Articles, reports and sites relating to women of Burma

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Websites/Multiple Documents

Description: About 493,000 results (August 2017)
Source/publisher: Various sources via Youtube
Date of entry/update: 2017-08-24
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
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Description: "The country?s most famous politician may be a woman, but Burma remains firmly in the grip of patriarchy. n June 25, the Burmese parliament voted on six proposed constitutional amendments, five of which it rejected. Most notably, lawmakers vetoed a proposed change that would have allowed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi to assume the country?s highest office. The current constitution, drawn up in 2008 under the military junta then in power, bars from the presidency anyone who has shown ?allegiance to a foreign power” (a measure clearly targeting Suu Kyi, who was married to a British citizen and has two British children). The current and former military officers who dominate parliament clearly don?t want to cede any ground to the enormously popular Nobel Peace Prize laureate and her movement. But there may be another reason why they feel threatened by Suu Kyi: her gender."...
Creator/author: Wai Moe
Source/publisher: "Foreign Policy"
2015-07-02
Date of entry/update: 2017-12-21
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: Articles on this category from BurmaNet News to October 2016
Source/publisher: BurmaNet News
2016-03-01
Date of entry/update: 2016-03-01
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: "The International Tribunal on Crimes Against Women of Burma was conceived after a peace delegation organized by the Nobel Women?s Initiative visited the Thai-Burma border in 2008. The visit of our delegation, which included activists as well as Nobel Peace Laureates, was hosted by the Women?s League of Burma. At every stop on our journey, we met many strong and brave women who were living in the most difficult circumstances. We were impressed by the resilience of the women. Many had been forced to flee their homeland because of terrible violence, yet they never stopped calling Burma home. These women shared their stories of fear, pain and horror ? but perhaps more importantly, they also shared their hopes, dreams and wishes for the future of Burma. In our view, their unwavering belief that change is possible, combined with their drive to make change happen, makes these women of Burma an unstoppable force. It makes them an inspiration for us all. We knew then that it was important to bring their stories to a larger audience. That is why we helped organize the International Tribunal on Crimes against Women of Burma. At the day-long Tribunal, four judges and many people around the world listened as twelve women from Burma told personal stories of how they had been brutalized and victimized by the military regime. The judges? findings and recommendations were a clear response to the women?s testimony. Based on what they heard and other documentary evidence, the judges concluded that war crimes, crimes against humanity and human rights violations have been and continue to be committed by the Burmese military regime. Their recommendations also send a strong message to the regime, to the Association of Southeast Nations (ASEAN) and other states in the Asia-Pacific region, to the international community and to civil society. The judges? recommendations constitute a blueprint for action on Burma..."
Source/publisher: Nobel Women?s Initiative
2010-03-02
Date of entry/update: 2010-02-28
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 1.53 MB
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Description: "We women is a foundation that strives to achieve equality for various groups of people in the world. The foundation assists women, refugees, ethnic minorities, and disadvantaged groups with their questions, struggles and needs, as they are formulated within their own terms. Academic research is the first step in this process, as it helps to gain insight into local beliefs, practices and wishes. he We women foundation in Chiang Mai, Thailand, promotes the education and well-being of unrecognized refugee women from Burma. The Foundation targets women whose passions, goals and motivations identify them as future leaders of Burma. We women provides a much needed service to women from Burma by offering them the opportunity to succeed in higher education. Each year the We women foundation supports a select number of qualified women as they prepare themselves for leadership in their country and communities. We women assists students to prepare for university, advising them during the application process, supporting them during their study and throughout their job search. During each woman?s period of study, the We women foundation provides scholarship funding for their university tuition, as well as academic tutoring and coaching. In order to provide long-term success, We women assists its alumni in their search for both internships and employment as they enter the professional world. The long-term aim of the We women from Burma project is to assist unrecognized refugee women into obtaining positions of authority within policy making or influential organizations so that they then can empower other women and their communities, on their own terms..."
Source/publisher: WeWomen Foundation
Date of entry/update: 2010-09-15
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: Dutch, English
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Description: Assessment for Project Implementation: The military regime, SPDC, ratified the Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in 1997, and agreed to guarantee women?s rights in Burma. Similarly, the regime also ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in 1991 and agreed to guarantee child rights in Burma..... Objectives: * To monitor the woman and child rights situation in Mon areas and southern part of Burma, by collecting information about their real situation in the reference to the CEDAW and CRC. * To empower and educate women and children in the Mon community, by providing information on their rights accordingly to CEDAW and CRC and encourage them to participate in the struggle in protection of their own rights.
Source/publisher: WCRP/HURFOM
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-25
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: Contains reports, articles and the quarterly "The Plight of Women and Children in Burma" which is mainly about women in Mon State...Replaced by "Voice Up"
Source/publisher: Women and Child Rights Project (WCRP)
Date of entry/update: 2007-05-19
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: A collection of videos, most relating to women?s role in peacemaking in Burma/Myanmar
Source/publisher: Various organisations via Youtube
Date of entry/update: 2014-12-15
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English, Burmese, Karen
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Description: "Historically, women in Myanmar (also known as Burma) have had a unique social status and esteemed women in Burmese society. According to the research done by Mya Sein, Burmese women "for centuries ? even before recorded history" owned a "high measure of independence" and had retained their "legal and economic rights" despite the influences of Buddhism and Hinduism. Burma once had a matriarchal system that includes the exclusive right to inherit oil wells and the right to inherit the position as village head. Burmese women were also appointed to high offices by Burmese kings, can become chieftainesses and queens..."
Source/publisher: Wikipedia
Date of entry/update: 2017-12-21
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: From Resources, go to the drop-down menu for Country/Region, scroll down to ASIA/PACIFIC, then to South East Asia, and on to Burma-Myanmar... Links to documents on women and Burma...Material from 1997
Source/publisher: PeaceWomen
Date of entry/update: 2009-03-06
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Individual Documents

Description: "Since the attempted military coup in Myanmar in February 2021, Myanmar has fallen into a state of despair. Two-thirds of the Karenni population, one of the country’s minority groups, have been displaced. Gender-based violence is a widespread problem, and the conflict has made the situation for women and girls in the country increasingly worse. “Since conflict broke out, social violence has become widespread, and the military is notorious for its brutal sexual and structural violence. Women face potential danger everywhere, and it’s getting worse by the day”, says a representative of The Karenni National Women's Organization (KNWO), a women’s grassroots organization that was established by refugee women in a Karenni refugee camp in 1993. Due to the sensitivity of her work, she will remain anonymous. Situated in the eastern part of Myanmar, Karenni State has a population of around 300,000 people. In 2022, the amount of internally displaced people reached a devastating 280,000. According to the activist, with the ongoing fighting between the military and the People's Defence Force in the state capital of Loikaw, an additional 30,000 people are likely to be displaced. KNWO works to promote equal rights and opportunities for Karenni women in political, economic, and social spheres. In addition, the organisation provides support and services for the survivors of domestic and gender-based violence. With nearly the whole population displaced, the majority of the organisation’s activities take place in refugee camps in Karenni State’s internally displaced people (IDP) sites. “Joining KNWO has led to a great transformation in my life. The women are highly inspirational and have made me see things differently and truly understand the mechanisms we need to change in our society, and not the least highly motivated me to work for that change”, says the woman activist. Myanmar has a long way to go when it comes to transformation of gender norms: “Domestic violence is a common problem. The patriarchal system is deeply rooted in society, and the cultural mindset is very fixed. In addition, there are no proper mechanism or policies in place for the protection of women and girls. The perpetrators go unpunished”, KNOW’s representative explains. 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence has become an annual event for KNWO. “Being part of the global women’s movement is important to us, and ‘16 Days’ is great for awareness building. Before the attempted coup, we conducted 16 days activism in Bawlakhe Township in Karenni State. But our event was forced to stop. They didn’t allow us to celebrate. But we still mark this global moment, especially in our refugee- and IDPs areas,” she says. KNWO counts around 400 staff and volunteers in refugee camps and IDP camps. The organisation is part of a larger network of woman organisations located in different townships across the state, as well as nation-wide organisations. “We all work to promote women’s rights, but we cover different areas. We have a widespread network in Karenni state. On national level, we are a member of Women's League of Burma, an umbrella organisation for all the ethnic women organisations,” the woman activist says. A key issue for KNWO is to push political institutions for political change and promote participation and representation of women in public society. Currently they are pushing for the Karenni state consultative council, which is the political platform where all revolutionary organisations are represented, to adopt a gender policy framework. An executive pillar and judicial pillar have already been established. What remains is the establishment of a legislative pillar. So far, the women's organisations have been able to get two positions in the Karenni state consultative council. “With two civil society representatives in place, carrying the wisdom of all the women organisations with them, we can advocate within the system we are trying to change”, she says. In her experience, women issues are always being depoliticised. “My message for this year’s 16 days campaign, is that women’s issues are political issues, and something that all political decision makers need to take seriously”. Through awareness building on how women are being marginalised throughout political processes, the revolutionary actors in the conflict have slowly become aware that during the revolution, women are also being captured and targeted. “This is not an issue for female soldiers only, it goes for medical staff, teachers, homemaker, and mothers taking care of children. Many of the roles traditionally occupied by women are considered low status, making them especially vulnerable during conflict. This is important to acknowledge, and we see attitudes slowly changing”, she adds. It is not without risk that Myanmar’s women activists have taken on the fight against gender inequality. “There are lots of obstacles and we constantly get threatened, both from the perpetrator and from the local community”, the activist explains. “That is why we have organised. Working alongside other women gives us courage”..."
Source/publisher: Norwegian People's Aid
2023-12-08
Date of entry/update: 2023-12-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Description: "Europe’s largest LGBTQ+ right charity Stonewall has been joined by 245 other organisations across the human rights, refugee, LGBTQ+ and women’s sectors in a powerful display of solidarity, following comments by the Home Secretary, Suella Braverman, last week. The coalition, including organisations such as Amnesty, Oxfam, End Violence Against Women Coalition, Refugee Council and Women For Refugee Women, has written to UK Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak, to reaffirm the UK’s commitment to protect LGBTQ+ people and women around the world. Many of the signatories work daily with LGBTQ+ and women refugees, and ‘bear witness to their scars from being persecuted’. The letter rejects Ms Braverman’s claim that LGBTQ+ and women refuges are misusing their identities to make false claims, and speaks of regret that the Home Secretary’s selective use of stats ‘have nothing to do with genuine concern or respect for international law, refugees or their protection.’ Read the full letter here. Robbie de Santos, Director of External Affairs at Stonewall, said: “We all deserve a government with the compassion and will to protect the most vulnerable in society. Not only is the incumbent UK Government failing LGBTQ+ people domestically, with inaction on rising hate crime, but they are also failing the international community by indicated their disdain for international law – in the process bringing great shame on party and country.” Steve Valdez-Symonds, Refugee and Migrant Rights Director at Amnesty International UK, said: “The Home Secretary’s verbal attack on the rights of LGBTQ+ and women refugees is deplorable. Not only did she once again stir utterly false prejudices against people seeking asylum, she also targeted refugees who often continue to face grave insecurity, hostility and violence – even long after escaping persecution and conflict. Ministers must stop their constant scapegoating and put their energy into repairing the utter wreckage they have made of the asylum system.” Alphonsine Kabagado, Director, Women For Refugee Women, said: “We strongly condemn Suella Braverman’s speech last week – which was dangerous, inflammatory and racist. Not only did her claims stoke hatred and fear, they were untrue. To be granted asylum in the UK, you must prove a well-founded fear of persecution. Her suggestion that people lie about their identities to make false claims for protection, or that it is possible to be granted asylum based on discrimination alone, is unfounded. We know from our work supporting refugee and asylum-seeking women, including LGBTQ+ women, that many face persecution including torture, gender-based violence, sexual violence, trafficking and rape. Braverman’s speech was also hypocritical. The Government has repeatedly stated its commitment to tackling violence against women and supporting survivors of such violence, as well as to supporting LGBTQ+ people. Yet when it comes to women or LGBTQ+ people seeking asylum in the UK, it seems these commitments do not apply. Instead of whipping up hatred, fear, and division against women and LGBTQ+ people seeking safety, the Government should treat them with compassion and kindness. How we treat people is who we are; the Government’s hostility does not represent us.” Enver Solomon, CEO of the Refugee Council, said: “Turning our backs on LGBTQ+ people and suggesting they are undeserving of a fair hearing in the asylum system is immoral. Of the small number of people who come to the UK claiming asylum based on their sexual orientation, the majority are recognised as having a well-founded fear of persecution and are given refugee protection. We know from our work how traumatised they often are – what they need is support to restart their lives in safety, rather than hostility and disbelief. The Refugee Convention’s fundamental purpose is to offer protection to those who need it, based on shared global values of humanity and fairness. Abandoning these values does not reflect who we are as a country.” Leila Zadeh, CEO, Rainbow Migration, said: “Across the world there are LGBTQI+ people experiencing violence and persecution simply because of their sexual orientation or gender identity. Around 70 countries still criminalise same-sex relations, and in some places the picture is getting worse. Many LGBTQI+ people that we support every day tell us how they faced life-threatening situations back home. For example, Olu, a lesbian from Nigeria had to run for her life when her husband found out she was a lesbian and nearly killed her, or Adams was violently attacked in the street on several occasions by members of his community in Ghana because he was bisexual. We all want to live somewhere where we can be safe and live fulfilling lives and most of us welcome people who are fleeing for their lives. We ask that the PM gets in line with public sentiment and commits to the protection of the rights of LGBTQ+ people seeking safety in the UK.”..."
Source/publisher: "Burma Campaign UK" (London)
2023-10-04
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 108.73 KB
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Description: "The Karen Women’s Organisation condemns the Burmese military continued airstrikes and indiscriminate shelling targeting civilians which has been ongoing this month. These attacks have killed and wounded at least 30 civilians mostly women and children. The recent aggressive airstrikes and mortar shelling have been particularly intensive in Kler Lwee Htu, Mutraw district. As just one example, on September 7th, 2023 at 18:03 pm the Burmese military carried out an airstrike in Htee Gaw Hta village, Na Koh Kee village tract, Dweh Lo township, Mutraw district around the school compound areas and killing a teacher with 3 students and wounding one teacher with 5 students. In Kler Lwee Htu district on Sunday, September 3rd, the Burmese military airstrike on civilians resulted in the death of a 12-year-old boy, leaving a 16-year-old girl injured, and causing the destruction of numerous houses and other public buildings..."
Source/publisher: Karen Women's Organisation
2023-09-12
Date of entry/update: 2023-09-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 75 KB
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Description: "CHIANG MAI – The Myanmar pro-democracy movement must listen to the calls of women and ethnic people and their vision for federalism, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights said today. On 29 June, APHR held a closed-door meeting with women human rights defenders and activists from Myanmar civil society groups in Chiang Mai, Thailand as part of a series of discussions that aim to provide a platform for gendered perspectives on the crisis in the country, including topics such as federalism, patriarchy, and ethnic inclusion. As long as there has been a civil war in Myanmar, there has been a struggle for ethnic autonomy, including the rights to their land, language, health care, education and traditions. For women, in addition to the fight for ethnic equality, has also been for gender equality. In the current context of post-coup Myanmar, new challenges have emerged and a new struggle for equality across all genders and ethnicities. “The commitment and dedication of women to Myanmar’s struggle for democracy is evident across the movement,” said APHR Board Member and former Thai foreign minister Kasit Piromya. “Federalism cannot exist in Myanmar without democracy, and certainly not without the contributions of women.” “The history of Burma is rooted in ongoing conflict. When we look at the creators of conflict, it is very clear it is the Myanmar junta. Women have always been involved in revolutionary acts because we believe in genuine peace,” said Moon Nay Li, Joint General Secretary of the Women’s League of Burma . While pro-democracy bodies, including the National Unity Government, the National Unity Consultative Council and the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, have called for federalism to defeat the junta, women-led organizations and activists are advocating for a future that is gender-equal as well as federal. “Too often, women are told that their pursuits for gender equality are of lesser importance amidst the shared struggle to defeat the junta. These struggles are interconnected as the commitment to end military rule is rooted in ending patriarchal norms and institutions,” said APHR member and member of the Philippine House of Representatives Arlene Brosas. “Women’s rights defenders are critical actors in the pro-democracy movement, and their voices must be amplified to ensure their needs are met and perspectives are heard.” During the meeting, the women human rights defenders and activists were very clear that more reflection needed to be done on how the ‘pro-democracy’ movement is currently progressing. For many, this includes inner work, primarily from the Bamar majority, on how to ‘unlearn’ certain attitudes and beliefs which stem from Burmanization, Buddhism and the patriarchy. Calls were also made to the international community to engage with pro-democracy stakeholders, and not the terrorist regime. “The international community, including ASEAN, must support women human rights defenders and their calls for a more inclusive vision of federalism in Myanmar. Defeating the junta is imperative, but without the participation of women and ethnic people, a democratic Myanmar cannot be sustainable,” said APHR Chair and member of Indonesian House of Representatives Mercy Barends..."
Source/publisher: ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
2023-07-03
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "On June 19, 2008, the 15-member United Nations Security Council passed resolution 1820 and designated the day as the International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict. This resolution strongly condemns the usage of sexual violence during times of war and conflict, considering it a dangerous tactic and strategy that undermines international peace and stability. Mainly women and LGBTQI people fall victim to conflict-related sexual violence. However, some men and young men are not exempt from that. Sexual violence is the result of power imbalance, gender inequality, and the culture of impunity. The victims of sexual violence are both armed actors as well as many innocent civilians. Sexual violence in conflict is not an unavoidable by-product of wars and conflicts. It can be prevented through specific strategies, such as plans, military orders, Code of Conduct, communications procedures, and operation guidelines. Research demonstrates that conflict related sexual violence (CRSV) does not occur in every war and conflict with the same magnitude and prevalence. By implementing effective guidelines and operations with strong political will, it is possible to decrease and address sexual violence. All warring parties involved in the conflict must uphold the international humanitarian law during armed conflicts. This is also a pressing matter for Myanmar. CRSV should not be perceived as an inevitable part of active armed conflicts. At this time, the National Unity Government and all armed actors must prohibit and prevent it. To effectively support survivors, concerned stakeholders, local NGOs, and CSOs need multisectoral assistance. International development partners must provide timely and adequate resources in the manner that aligned to the local situations. This type of assistance would enable survivors to reclaim their fundamental rights. All survivors have the human right to receive survivor-centered services, live a life free from violence and threats, and access justice. Civic space has been shrinking across the country since February 2021. When CRSV cases happen, those who tirelessly work on them are civil society women's groups. On this day, we would like to take this opportunity to honor these women human rights defenders, frontline workers and first responders, for their important work to help the survivors, despite the danger and risk that could fall on them. It is mandatory for the international justice mechanisms to hold Myanmar’s military, or Sit-Tat accountable for systematic, widespread and pervasive sexual violence and gender-based crimes that they have committed in armed conflicts for decades. Myanmar military and Myanmar Security Forces have been designated in the UN list of parties that have committed widespread and systematic patterns of sexual violence since 2018. It is also necessary to hold perpetrators of all kinds accountable for sexual violence directly or indirectly linked to armed conflicts regardless of their kinship, political party affiliation, ranks in an army, or socioeconomic strata. All perpetrators must be held accountable without partiality to end impunity. We must act urgently to impose immediate and severe punishments for sexual violence crime perpetrators as we continue to build our path towards a Federal Democratic future. Enhancing response mechanisms can be achieved through a survivor-centered approach and seeking guidance from women's and human rights groups. A just and equal future can only be achieved when armed organizations and women's groups collaborate. Sexual violence in conflict is not just a women's issue or a concern solely for survivors; it is a Myanmar’s societal issue. Sexual violence during conflicts shatters mutual trust and represents a misuse and abuse of power. To rebuild trust, a comprehensive societal approach, in accordance with the international definitions and standards, should be adopted..."
Source/publisher: Women Advocacy Coalition Myanmar
2023-06-19
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 201.04 KB
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Sub-title: Sharing a survey study on the post-coup socio-economic impact of the women and working peoples from peri-urban areas
Description: "It is crucial to document all forms of human costs shouldered by different social groups due to the military coup and to recognize and understand all the struggles and resilience strategies deployed and the specific circumstances in which they are being deployed. In this regard, TNI wants to highlight the work of a local partner as they attempt to capture the double burden of ‘post-covid economic stresses’ and ‘military coup’ faced by the urban women laborers and women-headed households living in Hlaintharyar and South Dagon townships of Yangon city. This past February 1 marked the second year since the Myanmar military staged a coup d'état back in 2021. Within this two-year period, the country saw the highest number of mass displacements, deaths, destruction, and torture in every state and region ever – surpassing any point of time in the country’s history. These atrocities committed by the genocidal military can be seen in the numbers.1 However, other human costs, such as the social, emotional, and economic dimensions may be less visible and harder to capture even though they are important parts of the totality. A particularly tragic outcome of such human costs is the number of people (forty-four cases recorded between 1 Feb 2021 to Sept 2022)2 who are reported to have committed suicide since the coup. Nevertheless, despite these hard cruel facts, the military dictator continues to face strong resistance in a majority of the country. At the same time, there are ongoing and unsettling debates around what is the ‘right’ kind of resistance. Looking back at the country’s history of colonial occupation, armed conflict, and political oppression, there have been many forms of resistance, and not all were undertaken by established groups. Often, resistance undertaken by ordinary people have not been very overt or highly visible, but this does not mean they were not organized or meaningful. Fast-forward to today, surely the same holds true. While there are circumstances that have clearly led many people to devote themselves completely to the revolution, many others find themselves in other kinds of circumstances where they must keep on working so that their families can survive. Yet these two different scenarios surely only tell part of the story of what is really happening in the lives of real people in either case. In either case, people found themselves in difficult circumstances not of their own choosing that they must find a way to survive and get through. We must keep in mind that even before the coup, Myanmar had become a country of very high poverty and very deep inequality. People from the rural areas made up an overwhelming majority (87%) of the country’s poor.3 Urban-biased forms of development pursued by the previous governments had pushed waves of rural villagers to the cities in search of work, and more often than not ending up as part of the cheap informal labor force in the growing manufacturing and service industries. Myanmar pays the lowest daily minimum wage in ASEAN since 2018, which is now equivalent to around 2 US$ factoring in current inflation rate, below international poverty line of 2.15 US$ per day.4 Even before the coup, only 2% of the entire workforce is estimated to be employed in the formal sector where workers are eligible to register for social security schemes.5 The rest are effectively overexploited and uncared for. A significant proportion of working people lack access to the most basic public services such as primary health care, reproductive health services, municipal public services, decent housing, and more. For the majority of people whose lives had already been shattered by various events in previous decades, the coup was a new crisis on top of an already existing crisis. In the early days after the coup, we have seen media reports of hundreds of factory workers from Yangon industrial zones on the streets, one hand grasping a humble lunch box while another gripping into a fist to protest against the coup. Here is where the junta’s iron hammer fell first and with unmitigated harshness. Hlaingtharyar and South Dagon township faced a horrifically ruthless crackdown by the military, killing nearly 100 people which Human Rights Watch described as a massacre.6,7Many workers have since left the area and returned to their villages. But many have no choice but to remain, forced to earn a wage under the close military surveillance, as they try to rebuild their lives on the ruins and look for jobs available from whichever factories. There is a popular saying that people often use whenever a crisis hits – ‘we are all in the same boat’. It is utterly wrong. Different people live in different contexts based on their social class, ethnicity, race, religion, gender, sexual orientation, and geographical locations. That is why it is so crucial to keep on documenting all forms of human costs shouldered by different social groups due to the military coup and to recognize and understand all the struggles and resilience strategies deployed and the specific circumstances in which they are being deployed. In this regard, TNI wants to highlight the work of a local partner as they attempt to capture the double burden of ‘post-covid economic stresses’ and ‘military coup’ faced by the urban women laborers and women-headed households living in Hlaintharyar and South Dagon townships of Yangon city. The report investigated increasing pressures faced by the women in the areas of health, children education, safety and security, food, living situation, debt, and psychological impact. Their experiences and struggles deserve our attention and invite us to walk with them toward a fuller understanding of their lives and the multiple meanings of resistance and resilience..."
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute ( Amsterdam)
2023-03-29
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 107.58 KB 1.14 MB
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Description: "Women have been barred from education in Afghanistan and face mass arrests and summary executions in Myanmar. In Iran, failure to wear a hijab to the satisfaction of the morality police was enough to end in death—after being beaten by police, according to witnesses—for Mahsa Amini six months ago today. Women’s rights are indivisible from national security. That’s the powerful message that came through strongly when four Australian women—one each from Afghanistan, Myanmar and Iran, plus a nationally renowned foreign correspondent and rights advocate—gathered for ASPI’s event for International Women’s Day. Titled ‘Women in conflict and protest: a conversation on protecting human rights and strengthening peace and security’, the discussion focused on women, the grassroots movements they lead, and how they stand at the forefront of protests and movements to defend human rights. The panellists were united in raising the international community’s shortcomings in supporting these women’s efforts in consistent, principled ways. Women have distinct experiences of conflict and oppression and play particular roles in responding. That includes bringing unique strengths to popular acts of resistance and to peace processes. But realities for women across the world show that the importance of their role in peace and security continues to slip through the cracks of the international community’s agenda. The women, peace and security agenda remains on the backburner, despite the fact that we’ve seen a backsliding, if not a complete unravelling, of women’s rights in many countries over the past few years after decades of progress. In her keynote address, Shaharzad Akbar, former chair of the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission, highlighted that Afghan women started mobilising against Taliban rule as early as 16 August 2021—just one day after the group took control of Kabul. Undeterred by the brutal crackdowns they continue to face, these women have adopted different forms of protest and resistance against the regime, such as establishing underground schools and libraries. Nos Hosseini, an Australian-Iranian lawyer and refugee rights advocate, spoke about anger against the regime in Tehran and the courage of Iranian women who were ‘unafraid of the bullets they’re met with’. ‘It’s not about the headscarf at all,’ she said of the protests that have now lasted six months and claimed at least 500 lives. ‘It’s about dignity.’ The power of social media as a tool for women protesting emerged as a key feature of the discussion. Mon Zin, a founding member of Global Myanmar Spring Revolution, described social media as ‘the life of the revolution’. Myanmar’s civil disobedience movement has its own verified Twitter page where protest ideas are posted and discussed. Zin said women use social media to disseminate anti-coup symbols. These include the three-finger salute, a symbol of resistance and democracy movements in Southeast Asia adopted from The Hunger Games film series; bouquets of flowers, a reference to Myanmar’s jailed former leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s signature floral hairstyle; and bright-red lips, a reference to the #RedLipsSpeakTruthToPower campaign aimed at raising awareness about sexual violence against women committed by the junta. Similarly, in Afghanistan and Iran, social media helps women overcome barriers to their physical movement and access to public spaces. Akbar observed that Afghan women, unable to take to the streets due to Taliban restrictions, have chosen to record videos at home, producing pieces of music and poetry with their faces covered and releasing them on social media. Hosseini raised the invaluable role social media has played in sharing Iran’s realities with the world, mobilising support not just within Iran but also among the international community. Despite internet blackouts, she said, people have used virtual private networks to disseminate footage and imagery of the protests and the government’s crackdown. She particularly emphasised the role of social media in ensuring that Iran’s story reached the homes and phones of non-Iranians whose support is crucial in amplifying the voices of Iranians and ensuring that their struggle is not forgotten by the international community. Women are also subverting and repurposing symbols of male power and patriarchy. For instance, Mon explained how women activists in Myanmar developed a tactic to keep security forces at bay by stringing up women’s clothing across the streets. In traditional Myanmar culture, walking beneath women’s clothing is considered bad luck and even emasculating for men. Hosseini noted that the current wave of protests in Iran involves all genders, ages, ethnicities and religions. People are standing together in solidarity against ‘the gender apartheid regime that’s engulfed and held the Iranian populace hostage for the last 44 years’, she said. Maryam Zahid established Afghan Women on the Move to address the lack of support available in parts of Australia to Afghan women who are recovering from past traumas and trying to rebuild their lives. The organisation uses community-based approaches to provide social engagement, mental health and settlement support to Afghan and other women from multicultural backgrounds in Australia. In the face of extraordinary stories of courage of women fighting repressive rimes, Sophie McNeill, senior Australia researcher at Human Rights Watch, underlined the international community’s short and selective attention span for women’s rights. While media, governments and the public often show keen support for courageous women protesters early on, they tend to lose interest over the longer term. The other panellists agreed. Zahid, for instance, recalled receiving enthusiastic political and media attention in the days following the Taliban takeover in 2021. But that evaporated soon after as a business-as-usual attitude set in. Looking ahead, Zin encouraged members of the public to participate in online petitions and campaigns supporting the civil-disobedience movement and to let governments know that Australian public opinion stands firmly against the junta and with the people of Myanmar. She also underlined the importance of funding civil-society organisations. McNeill reiterated the importance of long-term investments in the people on the ground, focusing on their protection, education and empowerment. She urged Australians to talk to their local members of parliament about increasing foreign aid. And she called on the international community to be more consistent in calling out human rights abuses wherever they occur in the world. The importance of placing international pressure on repressive regimes and to break expectations of impunity was echoed by Hosseini. Overall, as McNeill also said, governments need to learn from mistakes and realise that conversations on human rights, women’s rights and security must not happen in silos. The discussion brought out the contrast between the incredible resilience of grassroot movements and the international community’s patchy concern. For me, this raised questions about the usefulness of international frameworks such as the UN women, peace and security agenda and the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women. Authoritarian regimes such as the Taliban, the Iranian state and the Myanmar junta, as Zin noted, simply don’t care about such frameworks, and the international community seems to lack the political will to take concrete action against the regimes’ violations. What is the use of these frameworks, then, if they are only applied in situations where they are easily accepted and palatable, and are absent where they are needed most? In a recent advocacy video, an Afghan woman called for the world to ‘not forget the women of Afghanistan and help them not to be buried alive’. Her appeal shows what is at stake when the world turns a blind eye to gender-based violence and repression..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Australian Strategic Policy Institute
2023-03-13
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-16
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Description: "Today, International Women's Day is being celebrated worldwide, while in Myanmar, a total of 483 women have been killed by the Terrorist Military Council in the past two years, and a total of 3,125 women including State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi are languishing in prison. A total of 11 women have been sentenced to death, and 15 to life imprisonment, with a further 122 women sexually assaulted by the junta's troops. Sexual violence and violence against Myanmar women of various forms now plague the country. On march 8th, 1857 protests in a New York textile factory to increase wages, gain voting rights, and reduce working hours led to a violent crackdown by authorities. Over a hundred years later, in 1975, the United Nations declared International Women's Day, a day designated to promote and protect women's rights. Myanmar also signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) July 22, 1997, and although Myanmar agreed, subsequent terrorist dictators not only ignored the treaty but also failed to implement its provisions for many years. The contract was violated. Over the past 26 years, terrorist dictators have committed a variety of inhumane acts of violence purposefully and systematically violating Myanmar women's rights and preventing any social progress. In the past 26 years even though Myanmar signed the CEDAW, terrorist dictators were absolutely unwilling to comply with it and this is evident by the statement they release on the day before International Women's Day. Terrorist dictators have committed inhumane crimes against Myanmar women and rather than apologising to Myanmar women for the crimes and abuses the terrorist leaders have committed, and taking legal action and delivering justice, the terrorist dictators instead destroying criminal evidence, torching crime scenes and incinerating dead bodies to hide the signs of torture. Along with this, a cruel 4 cuts policy is also being imposed on the people and violence against Myanmar women continues. As of the 8th of March, rather than protecting the rights of Myanmar women in accordance with the CEDAW, to which Myanmar is a signatory, and promoting the intellectual, physical, and emotional fortitude of Myanmar women, the junta have instead murdered a total of 483 Myanmar women who have been acting for women's rights and federal democracy in the past two years. Soon after the coup, on February 9th, 2021, peaceful protester Mya Thwet Thwet Khine (မ မြသွဲ့သွဲ့ခိုင်) was shot in the head. Less than a month later on March 3rd, 19 year-old Angel (ကြယ်စင်) was shot in the head. The military have continued their killing spree, most recently on March 1st, 2023 just before International Women's Day where they sexually violated and murdered three women Ma Pan Nwe (မပန်းနွယ်), Ma Pan Twe ( မပန်းသွယ်), Ma Swe Swe Oo (မဆွေဆွေဦး) in the village of Tatai, Sagaing Region. In addition to the 483 women murdered in the past 24 months, a total of 3,125 Myanmar women, including state counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi have been unjustly detained and junta forces have sexually abused and violated a total of 122 Myanmar women. In the last 24 months, in addition to the unjust executions of Phyo Zayar Taw and Ko Jimmy, a total of 11 Myanmar women have been sentenced to death and a further 15 have been sentenced to life imprisonment. The terrorist dictators use hunger, rape, and arson as weapons, leading to the displacement of 1.6 million people, mostly women and children. More than 50,000 buildings have been set ablaze, and more than 17 million people in Myanmar are affected by famine, again with women and children bearing the brunt of the burden. We will continue working with international governments and relevant organisations to prosecute terrorist dictators through international legal channels until the people of Myanmar get justice, with no crime left unpunished. Together, we will root out the military dictatorship and restore rights and power to the hands of women and people of Myanmar regardless of race, religion, gender, and ethnicity and build a new federal democracy embracing equality for all the people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
2023-03-08
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "HURFOM: Women in Burma today face many threats to their safety and well-being. On this International Women’s Day, the Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM) calls for an end to military impunity, which has emboldened the junta to commit crimes of conflict-related sexual violence. Rape continues to be used as a weapon of war to traumatize and intimidate young women and girls. In Southeastern Burma, HURFOM has documented 5 women killed, 9 injured, 32 arrested, and 6 detained since the beginning of 2023. In addition, seventeen female teachers from the Civil Disobedience Movement arrested in February 2023 are still missing. Since the failed coup on 1 February 2021, HURFOM has documented that over 65 women have been killed, 190 were injured, and 700 were arrested. In addition, out of 125 total enforced disappearances since the coup in Southeastern Burma, 30 have been women in HURFOM target areas of Mon State, Karen State and Tanintharyi region. Gendered violence persists across the country. Women face ongoing risks as the military junta increases its presence, particularly in areas like Karen State, where opposition to the Burma Army has been fierce and unrelenting. Gendered violence is both targeted and indiscriminate. At the beginning of the year, on 1 January 2023, the junta forces patrolling a local area in Mon State fatally shot two young women riding a motorcycle in the back. The two victims were both severely injured. In a separate case involving attacks against women, the Burma Army arrested several young women at the end of January 2023, including four from Ye township and six from Abaw village and Kyar-tan village, Mon State. They were tortured and examined at a military training camp. HURFOM reporters from the area confirmed that the junta forces jailed four women detainees out of the ten who were abducted. The victim’s family members have appealed for the truth and justice to emerge. The junta’s treatment of women is entrenched in decades of patriarchal rule and institutions which discriminate heavily based on gender. HURFOM has reported that various forms of gender-based violence still occur in areas where internally displaced people have fled. Harassment and domestic violence are rising as there are worsening tensions within households due to the lack of food security and livelihoods. Women human rights defenders are working to provide social services that reduce stress in the home, such as clothing and monetary support. Mental health and psychosocial support are critical for war-affected families. And yet – despite the many challenges facing them, women have persevered. They continue to advocate for their rights and freedoms and for equality to be a pillar for a free and fair Burma. While women continue to take significant risks to protect themselves, their families and their loved ones, the international community must take their plight seriously. More protection for women and girls is needed from the international community. Funding for women-led organizations and supporting cross-border aid is one-way global actors can lend solidarity to those on the ground and offer support during this time of immense uncertainty. They can pursue international accountability mechanisms that hold the regime to account, including for their crimes against women and girls. Further, HURFOM condemns the ongoing gendered violence. On Women’s Day, and every day, HURFOM calls for gender equality and for all stakeholders to do their part in ending gender-based violence once and for all. As enshrined in the Geneva Convention for the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War states: “Women shall be especially protected against any attack on their honour, in particular against rape, enforced prostitution, or any form of indecent assault.”..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Foundation of Monland
2023-03-08
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: In a dire situation, the prominence of women in social, political, and economic life give reason for hope.
Description: "International Women's Day on 8 March celebrates the social, economic, cultural, and political achievements of women. The day also marks a call for action for accelerating women’s empowerment and gender equality. Why does commemorating the International Women’s Day in Myanmar matter? I started writing this op-ed wanting to explain to the unborn generation of children why gender equality and the empowerment of women matters in Myanmar today. It is the ingrained hope of a mother wanting to pass on a better future to her child. It is also my call for action to all involved to further advance on gender equality and the empowerment of women as we are facing an erosion of many hard-earned gains in terms of gender equality. Myanmar’s women and girls have been hit disproportionately hard by the Covid-19 pandemic, the Feb. 1, 2021 coup and the pursuant security, humanitarian, and socio-economic crisis. The economic downturn has led to an increasing pay gap between women and men, and women-led businesses, which are often small and micro-enterprises or in the informal sector, have struggled more to make a recovery. Access to sexual and reproductive healthcare services has been severely diminished. While reliable figures are not available, all indicators point to an increase in various forms of sexual and gender-based violence across Myanmar, while access to response services and to justice for survivors is often minimal to non-existent. Why does gender equality matter, will you ask? “If society is like a bird with two wings, if one is broken the bird will not be able to fly” will I answer. If women, who make 52 per cent of the population are not equally represented in decision making bodies, lack equal access to basic rights, equal employment and income opportunities, and continue to face the threat of violence in their day-to-day lives, they will not be able to fully claim and exert their rights, then society will never be able to fully thrive and to use its full socio-economic potential towards a sustainable and prosperous future. Women in Myanmar have shown tremendous resilience but continue to face unequal access to productive resources, reproductive rights and suffer violence and abuse. The multiple crises have seen an extraordinary amount of women’s engagement socially and economically, with women playing central and life-saving roles in local and community-level pandemic and humanitarian responses, often in extreme circumstances. Previously marginalized women have begun playing increasingly visible leadership roles, and the unity within the women’s movement is at an all-time high. Threats of violence However, all of this has come at a high cost, with individual women leaders and women’s organisations finding themselves under-resourced, often at a risk of depletion and over-burdening, and facing increasing threats and violence both online and in real life for their outspoken and brave leadership. The 2023 Humanitarian Response Plan reports that women have been hit disproportionately by conflict, the political and economic crisis, and their subsequent economic impacts due to social norms around work, disempowerment in the workplace and their traditional role in their households and communities. Of the 4.5 million people prioritized for life-saving humanitarian support this year, 52 percent are women. Despite the extremely challenging circumstances, the United Nations in Myanmar together with its local partners will reach 2.3 million women and girls in humanitarian assistance covering prevention and response to gender-based violence, HIV/AIDS prevention, cash transfer and food distribution in 2023. Undoubtedly, the multiple crises have led to an across-the-board erosion of many hard-earned gains of the past decades in terms of gender equality and women’s empowerment as the ratification of the United Nation Convention on Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) or the National Strategic Plan for the Advancement of Women. But as dire as the situation is in Myanmar, the continued prominence of women in all aspects of social, political, and economic life give reason for hope as well. To halt the regression of gender equality and women’s empowerment, Myanmar women and women’s rights organizations need the urgent support of the international community, including from UN agencies, to listen to their appeals and to continue advocating on their behalf. This includes adaptive and flexible support to women’s organisations providing aid to populations in need in remote areas relying on their knowledge and networks to be able to localise and deliver aid efficiently and effectively. A bird with two equally strong and intact wings will fly high and far towards a prosperous and sustainable future. On March 8 and beyond I, on behalf of UN Women, commit to stand for gender equality in Myanmar, today and always..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
2023-03-08
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Embrace Equity- “ညီမျှခွင့်တူ-ဖမ်းဆုပ်ယူ” အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ၊ဂျဲန်ဒါမူဝါဒဆိုင်ရာပေါင်းစပ်ညှိနှိုင်းရေးကော်မတီ နှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အမျိုးသမီး၊ လူငယ်နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်ရေးရာ၀န်ကြီးဌာန ပူးတွဲ ထုတ်ပြန် ကြေညာချက် ၁။ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ မတ်လ ၈ ရက်နေ့သည် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာအမျိုးသမီးများနေ့ ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယနေ့ ကျရောက်သော အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ အမျိုးသမီးများနေ့ကို ဂုဏ်ပြုသောအားဖြင့် ကမ္ဘာတစ်ဝှမ်းတွင် အမျိုးသမီး အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် ဂျဲန်ဒါတန်းတူညီမျှရေးအတွက် ရည်ရွယ်ပြီး လှုပ်ရှားမှုများ၊ အသိအမြင်ဖွင့်လုပ်ငန်းများကို နှစ်စဉ်ကျင်းပပြုလုပ်လေ့ ရှိပါသည်။ ၂။ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်အတွက် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ အမျိုးသမီးများနေ့၏ ဆောင်ပုဒ်မှာ Embrace Equity- “ညီမျှခွင့်တူ-ဖမ်းဆုပ်ယူ” ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အဆိုပါ ဆောင်ပုဒ်အတိုင်း အမျိုးသမီးများ၏ ရပိုင်ခွင့် အခွင့်အရေးများ နှင့် ခွင့်တူညီမျှ မှုများကိုဖမ်းဆုပ်မြဲမြံရရှိအောင် အစဉ်အမြဲ လုပ်ဆောင်သွားရမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၃။ အမျိုးသမီးအခွင့်အရေးများဟုဆိုရာတွင် စီဒေါ(CEDAW)ဟု လူသိများသော အမျိုးသမီးများအပေါ် နည်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် ခွဲခြားဆက်ဆံမှု ပပျောက်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ နိုင်ငံတကာသဘောတူစာချုပ်ကို မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအနေဖြင့် ၁၉၉၇ ခုနှစ် ဇူလိုင်လ ၂၂ ရက်တွင် လက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးခဲ့ပါသည်။ ယခုကဲ့သို့ စီဒေါ(CEDAW)စာချုပ်ကို လက်မှတ်ရေးထိုးခဲ့ခြင်းသည် စီဒေါ(CEDAW)စာချုပ်ပါ ပြဌာန်းချက်များကို နိုင်ငံတော်အနေဖြင့် လိုက်နာရန်၊ လေးစားရန်၊ ဖြည့်ဆည်းပေးရန်နှင့် အစီရင်ခံစာတင်ရန် စသည်ဖြင့် တာ၀န်ခံလုပ်ဆောင်သွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အာမခံကတိကဝတ်ပေးခဲ့ ခြင်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ၄။ ယနေ့ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ဖြစ်ပေါ်နေသော နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင်လည်း အမျိုးသမီးများသည် ကျရာ အခန်းကဏ္ဍအစုံတွင် ရှေ့တန်းမှ စွမ်းစွမ်းတမံပါဝင်လျက်ရှိသည်ကို မျက်ဝါးထင်ထင်တွေ့မြင်နိုင်မည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အာဏာရှင်ကိုတွန်းလှန်နေသည့် နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးကာလအတွင်း စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်၏ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကြောင့် ယနေ့အချိန်အထိ အမျိုးသမီး သေဆုံးသူဦးရေ (၄၈၃) ဦးရှိပါသည်။ အကျဉ်းထောင်များအတွင်း မတရားဖမ်းဆီးခံထားရဆဲ အမျိုးသမီးဦးရေ (၃,၁၂၅) ဦးရှိပြီး သေဒဏ်ချမှတ်ခံထားရသူ (၁၁) ဦးရှိပါသည်။ ထောင်ဒဏ်တစ်သက်တစ်ကျွန်း ချမှတ်ခံထားရသူ (၁၅) ဦးရှိပါသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်ဖွဲ့ဝင်များ၏ လိင်ပိုင်ဆိုင်းရာစော်ကားခံရသူ အမျိုးသမီးဦးရေ (၁၂၂) ဦးရှိပါသည်။ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင်ကဏ္ဍပေါင်းစုံမှ ပါဝင်နေသောအမျိုးသမီးများကို အသိအမှတ်ပြု လေးစားဂုဏ်ပြုပါ ကြောင်းနှင့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ချိုးဖောက်ကျူးလွန်ခံရသည့် အမျိုးသမီးများအတွက် တရားမျှတမှုရရှိနိုင်ရန် အစွမ်းကုန်ကြိုးစားသွားပါမည်။ ၅။ အမျိုးသမီးများ၏ အခွင့်အရေးသည် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးဖြစ်သည်။ ဖယ်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ်၏ အခြေခံကျသည့် အုတ်မြစ်မှာ လူသားတိုင်း ခွင့်တူညီမျှသည့် အခွင့်အလမ်းနှင့် အခွင့်အရေးများကို ခွဲခြားမှုမရှိပဲ တန်းတူရရှိခံစားစေရန်ဖြစ်သည်။ အမျိုးသမီးများအပေါ် ခွဲခြားဆက်ဆံမှုများကို တားဆီးရန်၊ အပြစ်ပေးရန်၊ အသိပညာပေးရန် လုပ်ငန်းများကို ယခုနှစ် အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ အမျိုးသမီးများနေ့ ဆောင်ပုဒ်ဖြစ်သော Embrace Equity ဆိုသည့်အတိုင်း တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများ၊ အရပ်ဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် နိုင်ငံတ- ကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၏ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်မှု များ နှင့်အတူ ခွင့်တူညီမျှစွာ အခွင့်အလမ်းများကို ဖမ်းဆုပ်ပိုင်ဆိုင်ခွင့်ရစေဖို့ လုပ်ဆောင် သွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ယခုကြေငြာချက်အား အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေး အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ၊ဂျဲန်ဒါမူဝါဒဆိုင်ရာပေါင်းစပ်ညှိနှိုင်းရေးကော်မတီ နှင့်အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ အမျိုးသမီး၊ လူငယ်နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်ရေးရာ ဝန်ကြီးဌာန တို့မှ ပူးတွဲထုတ်ပြန် ကြေညာအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Consultative Council, Ministry of Women, Youth and Children Affairs
2023-03-08
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "As of December 2022, there are 1.4 million internally displaced people (IDP) in Myanmar.4 Over 40,000 people remain in neighboring countries like Bangladesh, Thailand, and India since the takeover. More than 18,058 civilian properties, including houses, churches, monasteries, and schools are estimated to have been destroyed during hostilities, although figures are difficult to verify. The level of destruction of civilian properties, particularly homes, combined with the seemingly never-ending fighting will very likely prolong the displacement of the IDPs and would further deteriorate their already fragile living conditions. The current volatile security situation and its associated restrictions, such as bureaucratic processes, systematic blocks on access approvals, continue to hamper humanitarian access and delay the delivery of assistance. The purpose of this Rapid Gender Analysis on Power & Participation (RGA-P) is to build a better understanding as to whether and how women are able to participate in the community and in decision making spaces in the Northern Shan State of Myanmar and what changes may have occurred as a result of the conflict and women’s participation and leadership. The research was conducted through primary and secondary data collection in July 2022 in three villages in the Lashio Township of the Northern Shan State, Myanmar. Summary of the findings The main factors that were found to restrict women’s access and opportunity to participate in public decision making and leadership roles were related to Social norms and expectations of the role women are expected to play/hold in society and the views that female characteristics are not fit for leadership roles. The expectation that women are responsible for all of the household chores, childcare and care for elderly. Restrictions on women’s movement (controlled by husbands and elder family members) also impedes women’s rights to engage in spaces outside of the home. In addition, barriers such a slow literacy rates in Myanmar language (the language used is most formal meetings/decision making spaces)..."
Source/publisher: CARE
2022-11-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Today, the 10th of December, the world celebrates Human Rights Day in commemoration of the approval of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. However, today we cannot celebrate the dire situation of human rights in Southeast Burma. Decades of military impunity granted to the Burma Army continue to impact the lives, livelihoods and safety of the villagers in Karen State, while the international community remains ineffective and passive. The international community has failed to take genuine action to prosecute these long-standing military leaders and their blatant disregard for human rights. The 2022 Human Rights Day theme of “Dignity, Freedom, and Justice for All” falls flat as freedom and justice are being denied in Karen State. Still, villagers remain strong and dignified continuing to stand up for human rights. Today, we celebrate the strength of citizens in Burma demanding their rights be respected. Since the 2021 coup, the Burma Army has undertaken widespread violence and attacks against civilians throughout Burma imposing its dictatorial rule once again. Their crimes include grave human rights violations, such as extrajudicial killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, forced displacements, shelling of civilian areas, looting, destruction of property, threats, extortion, forced labour and sexual violence, as well as the employment of the ‘four cuts’ strategy that makes civilians the central target of military offensives. More than 350,000 people have been displaced this year, the majority of them women and children. This violence is a mirror of the abuses perpetrated against the Karen peoples during earlier periods of military rule, from 1962 to 2011. On October 3rd 1991, the Myanmar Air Force killed 41 students from Tee Tah village instantly during the bombing and strafing of their school and village, in the Delta region. Thirty-one years later, on March 5th 2022, junta troops from the army camp in Hpapun Town fired artillery into Klaw Day village, Mu Traw District, killing seven civilians, including three children and a pregnant woman, and wounding four more, including a 3-year-old boy and a 17-year-old girl. In 1992, a survivor of conflict-related sexual violence from Doo Tha Htoo District described her experiences to KHRG: “All night long the [Burma Army] soldiers would come and drag women away to be raped. They took turns and women were often raped by several soldiers in one night. I was raped frequently like the others. While I was being raped or trying to sleep, I could hear the screams of other women all around. This went on all night, and then in the morning they'd make us carry our loads over mountains again.” After the 2021 coup, villagers in the Lay Kay area, Doo Tha Htoo District, informed KHRG researchers that they were sending away young women to hiding sites when Burma Army soldiers were nearby the village. Between 2021 and 2022, KWO has documented 2,999 cases of human rights violations perpetrated by the Burma Army against civilians in Karen State. KWO has documented reports of 153 people killed, including 30 women, and 276 civilians wounded, including 117 women. There are 447 cases of looting and at least 171 burned homes, by the military since February 2021. The actual numbers are certainly much higher as many human rights violations have not been able to be reported or documented. For the past 30 years, the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) and the Karen Women Organization (KWO) have documented the experiences of rural villagers in Southeast Burma, the crimes committed against them, and their resilience despite longstanding campaigns by the Burma Army to eradicate all forms of opposition. Yet, these detailed testimonies of decades of state violence and military impunity have been met with little to no action by the international community, and no justice for survivors. Today, as local actors who have been working together to ensure that international stakeholders have the necessary evidence to hold the Burma Army soldiers and commanders accountable, we find ourselves outraged by the failure of regional and international bodies to support the dignity, freedom, and justice of all civilians in Southeast Burma. “The perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity in Karen State are military leaders. Ethnic minorities are oppressed by the military junta’s system of rule. Our human rights are severely violated. We are human beings but the junta seeks to crush our human dignity”, explains Saw Nanda Hsue, Advocacy Coordinator at KHRG. “There has never been justice for any violation committed against us. If this military dictatorship continues, ethnic people will never be allowed to live with full human dignity and rights.” To this, Naw Knyaw Paw, General Secretary of the KWO, adds, “Women and children are killed, and displaced. The shelling of civilian areas has dramatically increased. The international community must take more effective actions, and impose more sanctions including prohibiting the sale of jet fuel to the junta and boycotts of the SAC junta so that they will be disabled, disarmed and disbanded. Many years of impunity have emboldened the junta and they continue to commit atrocities without fear of consequences. No one should be above the law. We need action.” On this 10th of December, the Karen Women Organization (KWO) and the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) honour all civilians in Southeast Burma struggling against military atrocities and bearing the impact of systematic abuse. We celebrate today the resilience and fierceness of our Karen sisters and brothers who continue to fight for their human rights, and to defend dignity, freedom and justice for all. Likewise, we notice villagers’ increased knowledge of international human rights frameworks and their desire to engage the international community directly to demand justice. Therefore, we again call on the international community to condemn the crimes committed by the Burma Army, both past and present; to end all engagement that grants legitimacy to the junta -including with businesses that boost the junta’s economic power, as well as eliminating the sale of aviation fuel and arms trade to the junta; and to take concrete and coordinated action to assist local efforts and solutions to the humanitarian and human rights crisis in Burma..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group and
2022-12-10
Date of entry/update: 2022-12-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "“UNITE! Activism to End Violence against Women and Girls” As we mark the launch of the Commemoration of the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, women and girls in Myanmar are sounding a loud alarm over their heightened vulnerability, stressing that the weight of gender-based violence, combined with the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, and the ongoing conflict, are eroding their sense of hope and resilience. Gender-based violence (GBV) is a gross violation of human rights and its roots are entrenched in social norms in all countries. Globally, an estimated one in every three women experience physical or sexual abuse in her lifetime, and one in every four adolescent girls aged 15–19 years, has been abused by an intimate partner or husband. At its worst, gender-based violence can result in death, like in situations where a woman or girl is murdered by family members for bringing dishonour upon the family name or prestige (honour killing). Survivors of gender-based violence suffer short and long-term consequences to their physical and mental health. The root causes of gender-based violence are embedded in gender-inequality and an unequal power balance between women and men. The Myanmar Demographic and Health Survey (2015-2016) reported that 17 percent of ever married women aged between 15 and 49 have experienced some forms of intimate partner violence in their lifetime, of which 37 percent are survivors of physical injuries. Among women who have ever experienced sexual violence, 7 out of 10 have never sought help nor told anyone. However, evidence show that gender-based violence is often under-reported and intensifies during times of crisis when resources are limited, especially against women and girls. The ongoing political, socioeconomic and protection crisis in Myanmar is fuelling the risk of gender-based violence and increasing humanitarian needs. In this very difficult situation, all women and girls are entitled to unconditional protection and enjoyment of their rights without any form of discrimination. Through the United Nations’ work in other crisis situations, we know that women, children, and persons with disabilities, are particularly vulnerable as they are exposed to significant risks of violence. Working with civil society organisations, the United Nations in Myanmar is promoting the collection of sex, age and disability disaggregated data to ensure holistic and responsive interventions are delivered on time. Currently, over 1.3 million people, including those with disabilities, have been displaced, the majority of which are women and children. Factors such as high exposure to gender-based violence, poverty, displacement, restrictions on movement, and limited access to healthcare, including sexual and reproductive services, are rendering women and girls increasingly vulnerable to many other risks. The United Nations continues to prioritise delivering principled humanitarian assistance to all affected communities, including internally-displaced people, migrants, the LGBTIQA+ community, women and girls with disability, people living with HIV and AIDS and those affected by COVID-19. The culture of silence among survivors of violence must be broken in Myanmar to ensure that survivors report cases to local authorities, have access to gender-friendly justice, healthcare, social protection and Mental Health and Psychosocial services. We call on all humanitarian actors to listen to survivors, and to ensure that essential services, including Women and Girls’ Centers and Safe Houses and specialized services such as case management, receive adequate funds to continue and scale up. This can only be achieved in close partnership with women’s civil society organizations, community-based organizations, national and international NGOs and donors in Myanmar and donors. Collaborating with, and sustaining funding for women’s organizations and civil society organisations (CSOs), who are at the forefront of responding, and delivering life-saving gender-based violence services at grassroots level, is critical. Many of the Organisations that provide first line of life-saving GBV services are local CSOs. Unfortunately the recently announced Organisation Registration Law will not only negatively impact on their ability to provide such services but may even threaten their very existence. In Myanmar, the United Nations remains firmly committed to promoting building community-based prevention systems through intensified awareness-raising and social behaviour change programmes, engaging men and boys, community leaders and other local actors. Together, we re-affirm our strong commitment to stay and deliver life-saving services that address the urgent needs of women and girls. On the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, we call on all stakeholders and agents of change to break the silence to end violence against women and girls, and ensure that all survivors can have access to life-saving services. Let’s All UNITE and ACT to End Violence against Women and Girls Now!..."
Source/publisher: UN Country Team in Myanmar via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2022-11-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The Women's League of Burma will organize 16 Days of Activism in various forms and activities along with white ribbons campaign under the theme of "Justice + Accountability = End System of Impunity” to mark the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, which falls today on the 25th November. The Women's League of Burma is not only solely opposed to violence but also uses the Zero Tolerance policy to condemn any kind and act of violence. In addition, WLB has documented all forms of violence committed against women and highlighted the issues from the national to the international level for justice and accountability. Burma/Myanmar is a country of prolonged civil war, and the main reason for the increase in violence against women in various ways is the use of the patriarchal system and military dictatorship. Additionally, due to the existing mindset dominated by patriarchy, the presence of those who practice the ideology of the patriarchy, and military dictators who seized power unjustly for generations, the survivors have not received full justice and accountability until today. According to the WLB’s members' organizations, since the t military junta seized the power on 1st February 2022 until today, they have documented 111 domestic violence cases, 14 rape cases committed by civilians, at least 16 rape cases, and 3 sexual assault and violence cases committed by the military Junta’s soldiers. In addition, according to news media, there are more than 40 cases of women being raped and burned to death for forced disappearance. The violence continues to occur every day with no punishment mechanism for the perpetrators, who are getting impunity for their crimes. Additionally, because of the current situation in Burma/ Myanmar, it is a terrifying situation that no one, including women, girls, and persons with diverse sexual orientations, has no security protection but is also deeply concerned. WLB has designated the Military Junta as a criminal for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide, which have been systematically and intentionally committed for generations. Therefore, WLB strongly urges to work together in respective roles to ensure accountability of the perpetrators and to achieve justice. Women’s League of Burma would like to encourage women, girls, persons with diverse sexual orientations, and anyone to join the White Ribbon Campaign to eliminate physical, mental, and sexual violence and to stand against all forms of violence with WLB. For the reason stated above, the Women's League of Burma urges authorities and officials as follows: • To collaborate with national and international human rights organizations and women organizations to eliminate violence against anyone, including women, girls, and persons with diverse sexual orientations, as soon as possible. • To take effective action against perpetrators who have committed violence against women, girls, and persons with diverse sexual orientations. • To develop effective policies and implementation activities to stop violence, to prevent and protect against violence. • To provide the necessary security protection and services, rehabilitation programs, and financial support for the victims and survivors. • For the international community to take effective action to end the system of impunity and access to justice for the crimes committed by the military Junta..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
2022-11-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "အမျိုးသမီးများအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ) မှ ယနေ့ ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ် နိုဝင်ဘာလ၊(၂၅)ရက်နေ့တွင် ကျရောက်သော နိုင်ငံတကာအမျိုးသမီးများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုပပျောက်ရေးနေ့တွင် “တရားမျှတမှု + တာဝန်ခံမှု = ပြစ်ဒဏ် ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့်များကို အဆုံးသတ်ခြင်း” ဆိုသည့် ဆောင်ပုဒ်ဖြင့် (၁၆) ရက်တာအတွင်း လှုပ်ရှားမှုများ၊ ပုံစံမျိုးစုံဖြင့် အသံထုတ်ဖော်ခြင်းများ၊ ဖဲကြိုးဖြူကမ်ပိန်းများ ပြုလုပ်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အမျိုးသမီးများအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ) သည် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုမှန်သမျှကို လုံးဝဆန့်ကျင်ကန့်ကွက်သည်သာမက အကြမ်းဖက်မှုမှန်သမျှ ပပျောက်စေရန် (Zero Tolerance)မူကို ကိုင်စွဲ ကျင့်သုံးပြီး မည်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှု မဆို ရှုတ်ချကန့်ကွက်သည်။ ထို့အပြင် အမျိုးသမီးများအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ) သည် အမျိုးသမီးများအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်နေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုမှန်သမျှကို မှတ်တမ်းတင်ပြီး တရားမျှတမှု ရရှိရေး အတွက် နိုင်ငံအဆင့် မှ နိုင်ငံတကာအဆင့် ထိ အမြဲတမ်းမီးမှောင်းထိုးပြနေသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် ရှည်လျားသော ပြည်တွင်းစစ်ပဋိပက္ခများ ဖြစ်ပွားနေသော နိုင်ငံဖြစ်ပြီး အမျိုးသမီးများ အပေါ် နည်းမျိုးစုံဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ ပိုမိုများပြားလာသည့် အဓိက အကြောင်းအရင်းမှာ ဖိုဝါဒကြီးစိုးသည့် စနစ် ကျင့်သုံးခြင်း နှင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် ကြောင့်ဖြစ်သည်။ ထို့အပြင် ဖိုဝါဒကြီးစိုးသည့် အတွေးအခေါ် များ ရှိနေခြင်း၊ ဖိုဝါဒကြီးစိုးနိုင်ရန် လက်တွေ့ကျင့်သုံးနေသူများ ရှိနေခြင်းနှင့် ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် မတရား အာဏာ သိမ်းသော စစ်အာဏာရှင်ကြောင့် ကျူးလွန်ခံရသူများအနေဖြင့် ယနေ့အချိန်အထိ တရားမျှတမှု နှင့် တာဝန်ယူမှု တာဝန်ခံမှု အပြည့်အ၀ မရရှိသည်ကို တွေ့ရှိရသည်။ အမျိုးသမီးများအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ) သည် ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁)ရက်နေ့ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ် မတရားအာဏာသိမ်းသည့်အချိန်မှ စ၍ ယနေ့ထိ အိမ်တွင်းအကြမ်းဖက်မှု (၁၁၁) မှု၊ အရပ်သားမှ ကျူးလွန် သော မုဒိမ်းမှု (၁၄) မှု၊ စစ်တပ်မှ ကျူးလွန်သော မုဒိမ်းမှု (၁၆)မှု ထက်မနည်း၊ စစ်တပ်မှကျူးလွန်သော လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာနှောင့်ယှက်မှု (၃)မှု ထက်မနည်း ရှိသည်ကို အဖွဲ့ဝင်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၏ မှတ်တမ်းများအရ တွေ့ရှိရသည်။​ ထို့အပြင် သတင်းမီဒီယာများတွင်လည်း အမျိုးသမီးများကို မုဒိမ်းကျင့်ပြီး မီးရှို့သတ်ဖြတ် လက်စဖျောက်သည့် အမှုများ (၄၀) မှု ထက်မနည်း ရှိပြီး အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ နေ့စဉ်နှင့်အမျှ ဖြစ်ပေါ်လျှက် ရှိနေကာ ကျူးလွန်နေသူများမှာ အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်မည့်ယန္တရား မရှိသည့်အပြင် ပြစ်ဒဏ် ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့် ရရှိနေသည်ကို တွေ့ရှိရသည်။​ ထို့အပြင် လက်ရှိ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရေးအခြေအနေကြောင့် အမျိုးသမီးများ၊ အမျိုးသမီးငယ်များနှင့် လိင်စိတ်ကွဲပြား သူများ အပါအဝင် မည်သူတစ်ဦးတစ်ယောက်မှ လုံခြံရေး အကာအကွယ် မရှိသည့်သာမက လွန်စွာစိုးရိမ်ရ သည့် အခြေအနေကို တွေ့ရပါသည်။ အမျိုးသမီးများအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ) သည် ခေတ်အဆက်ဆက် ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ရာဇဝတ်မှု ကျူးလွန်နေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်ကို စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှု၊ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်စု များအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့်ရာဇဝတ်မှု နှင့် လူမျိုးသုဉ်း သတ်ဖြတ်မှုရာဇဝတ်မှုများ ကျူးလွန်သော တရားခံ အဖြစ် သတ်မှတ်ထားပါသည်။ ထိုကြောင့် ကျူးလွန်သူအကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ် များ ကို တရားမျှတမှု ရရှိရေးနှင့် တာဝန်ယူမှုတာဝန်ခံမှု ရှိလာစေရန် အတူတကွ မိမိတို့ ကျရာကဏ္ဍများတွင် ဆောင်ရွက်ကြရန် မိမိတို့ အမျိုးသမီးများအဖွဲ့ ချုပ် (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ) မှ အလေးအနက်တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသမီးများ၊ အမျိုးသမီးငယ်များနှင့်လိင်စိတ်ကွဲပြားသူများအပါဝင်အဝင် မည်သူမဆို စိတ်ပိုင်း၊ ရုပ်ပိုင်း၊ လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာနှင့် မည်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှု မဆို ပပျောက်ရန် အမျိုးသမီးများအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ) မှ ဦးဆောင်ကျင်းပသည့် ဖဲကြိုးဖြူကမ်ပိန်းကိုလည်း ပူးပေါင်းပါဝင်ကြရန်နှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုမှန်သမျှကို ဆန့်ကျင်ကြရန် ထပ်မံတိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။ အထက်ဖော်ပြပါ အခြေအနေများကြောင့် အမျိုးသမီးများအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ) သည် အောက်ပါအချက်များ ကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာတာဝန်ရှိသူများအား တောင်းဆိုလိုက်ပါသည်။​ အမျိုးသမီးများ၊ အမျိုးသမီးငယ်များနှင့် လိင်စိတ်ကွဲပြားသူများ အပါအဝင် မည်သူ့အပေါ်မဆို အကြမ်းဖက်မှု အမြန်ဆုံးရပ်တန့်ရန် ပြည်တွင်း၊ ပြည်ပရှိ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးတက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသည့် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ နှင့် အမျိုးသမီးများ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ အတူတကွ ပူးပေါင်းဆောင်ရွက်ရန်။​ အမျိုးသမီးများ၊ အမျိုးသမီးငယ်များ နှင့် လိင်ကွဲပြားသူများ အပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်မှု ကျူးလွန်သူများကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာတာဝန်ရှိသူများ မှ ထိရောက်စွာ အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးရန်။ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများရပ်တန့်ရန် နှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ ကြိုတင်ကာကွယ်ခြင်း နှင့် အကာအကွယ် ပေးနိုင်ရန်အတွက် ထိရောက်သည့် မူဝါဒများ ရေးဆွဲချမှတ်ရန်နှင့်၊ လုပ်ငန်းအကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာ တာဝန်ရှိသူ များမှ လုပ်ဆောင်ရန်။ ကျူးလွန်ခံရသူများ နှင့် ရှင်သန်ကျန်ရစ်သူများအတွက် လိုအပ်သည့် လုံခြုံရေး အကာအကွယ်နှင့် ဝန်ဆောင်မှုများ၊ ဘ၀ပြန်လည်ရပ်တည်နိုင်ရေး အစီအစဉ်များ၊ ဘဏ္ဍာငွေ ပံ့ပိုးခြင်းစသည့် လိုအပ်ချက်များ ကို သက်ဆိုင်ရာ တာဝန်ရှိသူများ အသီးသီးမှ ဆောင်ရွက်ပေးရန်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်မှ ကျူးလွန်နေသည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ပြစ်ဒဏ်ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့်များ ရပ်တန့် စေရန် နှင့် တရားမျှတမှု ရရှိရန် နိုင်ငံတကာ တာဝန်ရှိသူများမှ အမြန်ဆုံး အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန် တောင်းဆိုအပ်ပါသည်။ ..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
2022-11-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "After 18 months of the Spring Revolution, resistance forces around the country have become more sophisticated. Although they started the revolution against the Myanmar military using homemade rifles, now they can use automatic weapons like the AK-47 rifle, as well as drones. And women from various regions of the country are now among those who are fighting against the military regime. Armed resistance started in late May last year, four months after the military seized power on February 1, 2021. Since then, resistance forces commonly known as People’s Defence Forces (PDF) have been formed around the country. Women are part of the PDFs, as well as working as medics, raising funds and supporting the PDF base camps. Moreover, female-only units are being formed in some regions to fight against the military dictatorship. Myaung Women Warriors is one of those units, having been formed in October last year... Myaung Women Warriors Myaung Women Warriors (M2W), famous for its landmine attacks against junta troops in Sagaing Region, was formed by female civilians from Sagaing’s Myaung Township in order to eradicate the fascist dictatorship, as well as to show that women can be involved in the revolution and to promote the role of females, according to Amara Hmuee, the spokesperson for M2W. Although M2W comrades are sometimes involved in landmine attacks against junta forces, their main duty is to make mines and distribute them to the at least 22 PDFs currently operating in Myaung Township. “The damage the mines can do depends on the type of mine. We choose which mine to use depending on the number of soldiers we are attacking. For example, we use a certain mine for military vehicles and we use another mine against infantry,” the twentysomething Amara Hmuee told The Irrawaddy. She and the other members of M2W took part in military training and learned the techniques of making landmines before the all-women force was formed. Leaders from the Civilians Defense and Security Organization Myaung shared the techniques of making landmines that they had learned from the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). M2W fighters have been involved in mine attacks against regime forces since October 30, 2021. There are 225 members in M2W, including striking teachers who are part of the Civil Disobedience Movement, university graduates and students and women from farming villages. They are aged between 18 and 45. Although M2W comrades are sometimes involved in landmine attacks against junta forces, their main duty is to make mines and distribute them to the at least 22 PDFs currently operating in Myaung Township. “The damage the mines can do depends on the type of mine. We choose which mine to use depending on the number of soldiers we are attacking. For example, we use a certain mine for military vehicles and we use another mine against infantry,” the twentysomething Amara Hmuee told The Irrawaddy. She and the other members of M2W took part in military training and learned the techniques of making landmines before the all-women force was formed. Leaders from the Civilians Defense and Security Organization Myaung shared the techniques of making landmines that they had learned from the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). M2W fighters have been involved in mine attacks against regime forces since October 30, 2021. “The men always want to fight and to take up arms. So there was some weakness in the production of mines. That’s why M2W decided to specialize in making mines,” said Amara Hmuee. M2W produced 1,130 mines within a year and all were used in missions against junta forces. M2W has shared mines with all the resistance groups in Myaung Township. Moreover, some allied resistance forces from Chaung-U and Myinmu townships in Sagaing, Yesagyo in Magwe Region and Ngazun in Mandalay Region have also used M2W-made mines. Since the formation of M2W, eight battles have been fought in cooperation with those allied forces and 85 soldiers have been killed in those clashes. Moreover, 21 mine attacks have been carried out and at least 139 junta troops have been killed and 37 injured. Despite a lot of difficulties in making mines, M2W comrades do their best to supply plenty of mines to resistance groups. “Although we haven’t encountered any difficulties with explosives, sometimes we have been in trouble in the weapons factory,” said Amara Hmuee. “Once, we all had to run out of the factory because a fire broke out while we were making gunpowder.” Nor were the M2W members experienced in the use of the welding and stone crushing machines used in the manufacture of mines. Some women suffered injuries to their hands while using the machines. Others have experienced combat. “When I was at the frontline, an artillery shell landed near us and felled a big tree. I was really afraid because it was my first time under fire,“ Amara Hmuee recalled. Ethnic women fighters Some ethnic women have joined ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) such as the KIA, the Karen National Union, Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF) and the Chin Defence Force (CDF). The KNDF Battalion 5 women’s unit was formed in May 2021 with dozens of members. The KNDF was the first EAO to form a female force after the coup. A lot of women were keen to participate in the revolution, so the KNDF formed a female unit, according to Soe Myar, a spokesperson for the KNDF’s women’s unit. Its members are aged between 18 and 25. They were university and school students and striking teachers and civil servants before they took up arms. Soe Myar, who is 18 and a former student from Kayah State, joined the KNDF’s female unit in August 2021 in order to destroy the military dictatorship. “There are a lot of female combatants who go to the frontline. It’s not a strange thing that women are fighting at the frontline,” Soe Myar told The Irrawaddy. The KNDF’s female fighters focus not only on fighting, but also act as medics and in other support roles. “We women fight the military by doing as much as we can in various sectors in the revolution,” said Soe Myar. Like their female comrades in the KNDF, some women residents of Chin State have joined the CDF since last year. Chin State has around 27 resistance groups. Some 16 – totaling 9,000 fighters in all – have joined forces with the Chinland Joint Defense Committee (CJDC). Around 500 women are currently in 13 resistance groups in Chin State, according to the CJDC. CDF-Mindat has the most female members, with around 120 women in the group. Most of the women in Chin PDFs and EAOs are former university and school students, according to Daisy, a member of CDF-Kanpetlet Battalion 1, which has around 90 female fighters. “We don’t accept the military dictatorship. We want a system governed by the people that is accurate and fair,” Daisy told The Irrawaddy. Daisy was a 22-year-old university student before she joined the CDF, where she works in administration. Some women comrades go to the frontline, while others support the fighters. “It’s not just fighting in the revolution, but doing whatever you can to participate in the revolution,” said Daisy. She added that the revolution started from nothing and now there has been some progress in terms of weapons and finances.... Tiger Women Drone Force... Resistance forces, including M2W, also use drones to bomb regime targets. Tiger Women Drone Force (TGR), part of the Myaung People Defense Force, has been attacking military convoys on the Mandalay-Monywa Road since August of this year. TGR was formed in August 2022 with 15 members in order to fight junta troops like the male resistance fighters do. “When the male combatants fight against the junta troops, the female PDF members want to do the same. So we formed the drone force to attack regime soldiers, as well as to show that women can fight in combat,” said Kyar Khin Sein, or Tiger Lady, the leader of the TGR. Its members are women from various sectors and they spent a month training with the drones. TGR has two drones each worth almost US$5,000 and use bombs made by the Myaung People Defense Force. The group conducts drone attacks in Sagaing, especially on military convoys using the Mandalay-Monywa Road. As of October, around 30 missions have been carried out and some 48 regime soldiers have been killed. “All military reinforcements use the Mandalay-Monwya Road, so we want to cut access to the highway. That’s why we carry out drone attacks on it,” said TGR leader Kyar Khin Sein. But the group faces difficult and dangerous conditions when it carries out its attacks. “We run when the regime scouts shoot at us while we are trying to bomb a military target,” recalled Kyar Khin Sein... Women fighters are committed to the revolution... The women participating in the revolution will keep fighting the junta until it is gone and they want the public to believe in the resistance fighters. “We want democracy. We are fighting the military to get freedom for our country. We hope all of the public will also fight for federal democracy,” Kyar Khin Sein told The Irrawaddy. The men and women who join the PDFs are considered to be soldiers of the people and are ready to give their lives for the revolution, but they also need weapons and ammunition, added the TGR leader. She asked Myanmar people at home and abroad to make donations so that weapons can be bought for the resistance forces. All of the resistance fighters are ready to sacrifice their lives and they believe strongly that the revolution must succeed. “We want the public to stay strong because we will fight against the military dictatorship until the end,“ said KNDF female fighter Soe Myar..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-11-14
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "This submission outlines the dangerous and rapidly deteriorating on-the-ground situation faced by women and girls following the coup by the Burma/Myanmar military (the military or Tatmadaw) on February 1, 2021. Since the coup, women and girls have faced direct and imminent threats to their health, welfare and safety and have lost hard-won gains in political, social and economic rights. This precarious situation demands immediate attention and action by the United Nations (UN) and the international community at large. Women and girls face significant and escalating security threats The military has committed atrocities in ethnic areas for over 70 years. Since the coup, the Tatmadaw and its proxies have expanded these brutal campaigns in ethnic areas, such as Chin and Karenni/Kayah states, and extended their reign of terror to urban and “dry zone” areas dominated by the Bamar majority, such as Sagaing and Magway. Civilians and aid workers have been targeted with systematic and widespread indiscriminate and disproportionate violence, including mass and arbitrary arrests and killings, air raids, artillery strikes, sexual violence and arson.3 These unrelenting attacks fully meet the definition of terror under international and national law and amount to violations of international humanitarian law and human rights laws. The UN has concluded these atrocities amount to crimes against humanity and, potentially, war crimes. While there has been a massive deterioration of safety and security for all civilians since the coup, women and girls face disproportionate threats and risks from security forces. Women have been victims of escalating sexual violence crimes, with recent qualitative research presenting a troubling snapshot of security force-perpetrated rape, gang rape, sexual assault and sexual harassment, including in detention. These cases are only the tip of the iceberg given the low level of reporting, and dovetail with other research demonstrating that security forces have for decades carried out brutal campaigns of violence, including sexual violence, as part of armed conflict in ethnic areas, including massive genocidal clearance operations against the Rohingya. Women have actively and bravely participated in and led the civil resistance movement, facing great personal risks to put an end to a brutal military junta. An estimated 3,100 women have been arrested and detained since February 1, 2021, with over 2,400 still in custody.4 Women have reported widespread violence in detention settings, including sexual abuse, torture and sexual harassment. Female detainees have also been denied medical treatment, including maternal healthcare, and access to potable water.5 Currently, there are nine women human rights defenders (WHRD) on death row whose lives are in grave danger given the military junta’s recent execution of four democracy activists, the first such executions in 30 years. All WHRDs were convicted after closed trials in a military court that fell far short of international standards. At a societal level, women have been hit hard by the economic downturn caused by foreign divestment and factory shutdowns. This economic hardship and lack of security resulting from the coup have pushed women and young women to fall victim to trafficking gangs and to agree to slave-like labour conditions or prostitution. Moreover, the level of societal gender-based violence has increased since the coup, as civilians have taken advantage of the violent chaos engulfing the country. Since the coup, women have lost the economic, social and political gains that they fought for with increasing political activism and participation over the past decade. Women now face massive protection needs to secure their welfare, sustain gender equality progress and support women’s leadership. As the UN has noted, women are “starting to see their future disappear” and the UN and international community must act with urgency and purpose.6 Burma/Myanmar’s humanitarian crisis has had a devastating impact on women The military has caused a devastating humanitarian crisis through its Four-Cuts Strategy of cutting off telecommunication, food, money, and intelligence in Karen/Kayin, Karenni/Kayah and Chin states, and the Sagaing and Magway regions. These brutal, scorched earth campaigns include air strikes, military offensives and burning of villages, which has destroyed over 28,000 homes thus far.7 As a result, over one million people have been displaced – amounting to one in every ten people.8 Civilians have had to travel deep into the jungle on a moment’s notice to avoid military attacks. Displaced persons, including women and girls, must deal with health risks, food scarcity, lack of shelter and inadequate medical care, especially during the current rainy season.9 Malaria, dengue fever and other waterborne diseases are rampant and poisonous snakes are a scourge. Drought, water shortages and poor water quality have resulted in not being able to meet basic hygienic needs and illness. Dry goods and food items are being depleted and food insecurity is acute. Women face particular health challenges, including a lack of sexual and reproductive health services which has led to an increase in premature births, underweight births and increased infant mortality.10 This dire situation presents formidable challenges to the health and safety of women and girls and requires targeted assistance, such as women’s dignity and delivery kits, lactating mothers’ support and sexual and reproductive health assistance, such as birth control and HIV drugs which are no longer available. Service delivery to those in need, already limited by decades of ethnic strife and chronic underfunding, has completely broken down. Humanitarian aid workers cannot access those in greatest need, and efforts by international and regional agencies to deliver humanitarian aid are woefully inadequate.11 Given this dire situation, brave volunteers from women’s groups, civil society organisations, communities, Ethnic Health Organisations (EHOs) and Ethnic Resistance Organizations (EROs) have stepped in to help despite security risks. The military targets these courageous individuals and groups, leading to regular harassment, arrest and murder.12 Current humanitarian aid delivery efforts focus on partnering with the military which is completely illadvised and counterproductive. The military has caused the crisis and is not to be trusted with aid delivery to areas that it is currently attacking. Civilians will not accept humanitarian aid distribution through any military-affiliated channel as they are afraid of backlash and there is a risk that the military will instrumentalize aid. Instead, the international community must build channels for providing humanitarian assistance by collaborating only with, and dramatically increasing support to, women’s groups, civil society organisations, communities, EHOs and EROs. In particular, women’s groups that have stepped in to fill service gaps have not experienced an increase in funding to support the increased burdens on the ground, highlighting an urgent priority for the international community.13 No avenues for justice exist Ample evidence exists to show that the military and its proxies have for decades committed heinous crimes, including murder, rape and genocide. These crimes have been widespread and systematic, part of a deliberate strategy to intimidate, terrorise and punish local populations. Since the coup, the patterns of abuse and violence seen in ethnic areas have been extended throughout the country, indicating that no group is immune from the security force abuses that ethnic groups have experienced for more than 70 years. The military has long enjoyed impunity for its actions, which has directly contributed to the current crisis. The coup has further proven the military’s disdain for the rule of law and its firmly-held belief in its omnipotence, including its perceived entitlement to commit human rights abuses without consequence. Survivors of security force abuses, including conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), are unable to access any justice in the current context as the legal system has been eviscerated and no trust exists between civilians and law authorities, which are under the aegis of the military. With no chance of domestic accountability, international and regional justice and accountability mechanism are crucial. The international community has not adequately responded to the crisis The international community, including the UN Security Council, have a mandate to secure international peace and security as well as to protect women in conflict settings in accordance with multiple directives in the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda. Yet, the international community has ceded to ASEAN the responsibility for finding a solution to the crisis. ASEAN’s efforts have failed, in part due to continued engagement with a recalcitrant military which has repeatedly thumbed its nose at the toothless “Five Point Consensus.” This failed strategy has prolonged the crisis and obstructed necessary protections for civilians, including women, who face massive security and humanitarian needs. The international community must abandon reliance on ASEAN and instead take bold action to resolve this dangerous situation and build trust with the people of Burma/Myanmar. As the 12 July 2022 report of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar acknowledged, interactions with civilians “…to build trust and increase confidence in the Mechanism’s ability to contribute to international criminal accountability processes are critical…”.14 Yet, trust can never be built as long as the UN, including its in-country teams, international agencies and regional actors work and engage with the military and the military-appointed State Administration Council (SAC). Recommendations The international community must collectively raise their voices to secure the human rights, safety and welfare of women and girls in Burma/Myanmar and expeditiously take the following actions: § Dispatch a well-equipped monitoring and intervention mission to secure the immediate and unconditional cessation of the military’s violent terror campaign against the people to prevent further atrocities. § Impose a comprehensive global arms embargo, with robust monitoring and enforcement mechanisms, to end the direct and indirect supply, sale or transfer of all weapons and other equipment that may be used for training, intelligence and military assistance. § Impose targeted sanctions against the military and its proxies to effectively cut off financial flows and endeavor to cut off supplies of aviation fuel to the military. § Support and stand with the people by refusing to engage with the military, its proxies or the SAC and work with the National Unity Government, as the legitimate representative of the people, and other groups working to build a truly democratic federal union. § Condemn the military for killing civilians and executing human rights defenders in the strongest terms, take effective action to stop further executions and atrocities and secure the immediate release of political prisoners, including human rights defenders and WHRDs. § Work and collaborate only with local actors, including women’s groups, as described above, to provide humanitarian aid and avoid any contact and cooperation with the military or its proxies; mediate with neighboring countries, such as Thailand and India, to open a humanitarian corridor to provide assistance to local aid actors; protect aid workers, including women first responders, from harm and harassment; urgently address country-wide food shortages; streamline aid procedures and delivery to be flexible and user-friendly to eliminate administrative burdens; and find innovative and alternative ways, using existing reliable social networks, to distribute aid outside of military channels. § Provide targeted, long-term and specific resources to women’s groups to support service delivery and the gender equality movement. § Ensure impartial and independent investigations so that perpetrators are held accountable for their crimes; fully and unequivocally support all efforts to ensure justice, including by: referring the situation to the International Criminal Court; instituting a special or regional accountability mechanism; supporting and intervening in international accountability efforts, such as those already underway at the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court; and initiating domestic proceedings via universal jurisdiction. § Protect those fighting for democracy and justice, especially women, and develop a comprehensive protection plan in accordance with WPS mandates to provide a safe haven for CRSV survivors, WHRDs and women peacebuilders; ensure that any resolution to the crisis includes the meaningful participation of women and has a clear mandate for justice and accountability for CRSV survivors. § Establish a Task Force on Myanmar and conduct an exceptional inquiry into the situation of women and girls in Myanmar, as the CEDAW Committee has done for Afghanistan and for Myanmar in 2019..."
Source/publisher: Women’s Advocacy Coalition - Myanmar and Women’s League of Burma
2022-09-15
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "In Myanmar, the National Registration Card (NRC)[1] is an essential citizenship document required for school enrollment, travel, marriage, and fixed-asset inheritance. According to data from the 2014 Census, about one-third of the population in Myanmar does not possess any identity documentation, including NRC cards.[2] The data also showed that women make up 54% of those lacking citizenship documents.[3] According to data from the Department of National Registration and Citizenship under the State Administration Council (SAC), the government has recently completed 90% of the Pan Khin (Flower Farm) project by the end of May 2022, which aims to issue NRC cards for those who do not have cards yet. Over 3.4 million people without NRC cards are expected to be issued cards over the project’s duration (May 2021 to November 2022).[4] However, applying for the NRC still presents difficulties for women, and even if they are successful, the NRC continues to validate patriarchal policies at the state level. This essay sheds light on the challenges women encounter when applying for the NRC and how the NRC legitimizes gender-based discrimination in daily life. The 1982 Citizenship Act, created by the Burmese Socialist Programme Party, serves as the foundation for the current legal framework for citizenship documentation. This law defines “Native citizens” (မွေးရာပါနိုင်ငံသား) as those from ethnic groups such as the Kachin, Kayah, Karen, Chin, Burman, Mon, Rakhine, Shan, and others living in Myanmar before 1823 and the British invasion. Although they are not considered nationals (တိုင်းရင်းသား), legal citizens are nevertheless qualified to apply for citizenship. However, non-Buddhist minorities—including Muslims, Chinese, and even groups that the law considers indigenous, such as Kachin and Kayah—have experienced discrimination while seeking NRCs.[5] Women have more challenges than men in NRC applications, and women from ethnic and religious minority backgrounds face multiple barriers to accessing NRCs. According to Norwegian Refugee Council’s 2018 report,[6] women have limited knowledge and access to information about citizenship documentation. Most households prioritize applying for men’s citizenship documents, particularly when unofficial fees make it expensive for everyone at home to apply for a citizenship document. Even though an NRC cannot offer all of the rights that female citizens are guaranteed in all of Myanmar’s constitutions, not having an NRC makes life more difficult for women. The main objective of this article is to understand the institutional barriers that women experience during the application process for an NRC, as well as the state’s institutionalized patriarchal practices affecting women through the NRC. Although the article primarily uses data from a 2018 study, the findings are still relevant today. Because the NRC application is one of the routes for corruption by state officials, the alleged success of the SAC’s Pan Khin project during the unstable post-coup period generates many doubts about its effectiveness. More precisely, the project is being implemented amid turbulent political conditions in which more than 1,037,800 people have been internally displaced across Myanmar, as of June 1, 2022, due to country-wide armed conflicts,[7] and the recognition as citizens of nearly 890,000 Rohingya people fleeing Bangladesh remains uncertain.[8] Moreover, even in the democratic transition period, the NRC issuing processes were criticized as being corrupt, incorrectly registering applicants’ ethnicities, whether on purpose or accidentally, and utilized as a political tool for elections. Rushing the project instead of addressing the existing problems related to citizenship documentation leads to the issues becoming more entrenched, while women are marginalized based on their ethnicity, class, gender, and religion, and also encounter institutional impediments when seeking citizenship documents and the rights granted by those documents. This article clarifies the following issues based on data gathered in 2018: first, what NRC means to women; second, institutional and structural barriers; and third, patriarchal practices ingrained in citizenship documents. For the 2018 study, I collected qualitative data from 56 women of different ethnicities from different regions by conducting Focus Group Discussions and In-depth Interviews. The study focused on collecting case studies which represent the experiences and perspectives of the participants. The locations of the study were selected based on geographical differences: the lower part of the country (Hpa-An and Mawlamyaing); the economic hub of the country (Yangon); the Dry Zone (Magwe and Minbu); and the upper part of the country (Myitkyina and Namatee). The participants, who were over 18 years of age were recruited from both urban and rural areas; some had successfully obtained their NRC, while others have not. What the NRC means to women The first part of the article mainly investigates undocumented women’s vulnerability and their motivations for seeking an NRC. First, all the interviewed participants listed traveling issues as a priority. The reason is that an NRC is also used as a travel document for boarding flights, buses, and trains as well as for overnight stays in other locations. In previous decades, women, particularly those living in rural or ethnically underrepresented areas, did not make significant efforts to obtain an NRC because there was limited need or opportunity to travel, due to inadequate road access, a lack of security and safety, or other factors including cultural barriers for rural women taking overnight trips. Even if they had to travel, they brought the ward/village administration’s letter of endorsement, in lieu of an NRC. However, women in border regions—for instance, those from the states of Mon and Kayin—had reasons other than travel for applying for the NRC, because they had to rely on border trade or move over the border to find a job. In this instance, they needed to possess the official documents that can only be applied for with an NRC, either a border pass or a permit for legal stay in another country. Before, they weren’t concerned about having formal documents because they were crossing the border illegally. However, once they became aware of the potential of trafficking of female irregular migrants, they began to favor having the NRC, which serves as a supporting document when applying for a passport or border pass. The second justification has to do with job applications. When women applied for jobs, those who did not possess an NRC had to borrow NRC cards from close friends or relatives, listing the friend’s card number on the application. The NRC is the source that is used to confirm a cardholder’s background, age, and right to work. Most of these incidents occurred in industrialized urban areas, particularly in garment industries where a larger female labor force was needed. Employers carefully checked an applicant’s ID card to confirm their age and background after reports of labor exploitation in garment manufacturers became public in 2017, and the authorities sometimes monitored those factories due to pressure from the international community and human rights defenders. Those without an NRC often had to find cheap labor in canneries or shoe factories in the informal sector. Accessing microloans was a further justification for an NRC card. If women did not have one, they would have to borrow money from informal lenders at an interest rate of between 10 and 20 percent. Women also sought to obtain an NRC for their schooling or to connect that card to their child’s identity card application. The matriculation exam and university entrance were both off limits to those without an identity document. However, women from minority groups, such as Hindu or Muslim women, had different motivations for why the NRC was crucial to their ability to maintain their citizenship and avoid statelessness. They were more worried about security. For instance, one Tamil female participant noted that although Muslim and Hindu Tamils can appear quite similar, she was concerned that Tamil Hindus would be at risk in any conflict between Muslims and Buddhists. Additionally, Muslim women in the country’s center or other regions felt their citizenship was in jeopardy whenever the Rohingya crisis on the border between Bangladesh and Myanmar came up. These women were worried that nearby communities would experience more community violence and that they would become victims of the conflicts. They wanted NRCs to be able to defend their citizenship, preserve their citizenship, and exercise their rights as citizens. Institutional and structural barriers experienced by women applying for the NRC The second part of the study examined the institutional and structural barriers experienced by women in the ID card regime. In this case, not having adequate information, a lack of supporting documentation, having to pay unofficial fees to the immigration officers, and officers’ mistakes in data entry were the problems most experienced by women. Men also have the same experiences; however, seasonal laborers, migrant workers, rural women, and ethnic women are more vulnerable because rural women and ethnic women have a lower level of education, a lack of exposure to interacting with government authorities, and additionally, ethnic minority women experience a potential language barrier. For instance, the documents pertaining to one’s ancestors’ citizenship status as well as character reference letters from the ward and township administrations and the police are necessary when applying for an ID card. However, when the officers put pressure on the applicant to submit those documents, women retreated from the application procedure because their ancestors had not been in the habit of retaining their records. Such circumstances created an opportunity for immigration authorities to elicit bribes. In addition, men were given preference over women in a family to obtain an NRC when the family had to pay these expensive unauthorized fees to officials. Moreover, the ward and township administration or police force were male-dominated areas; rural women were not comfortable visiting those places frequently to obtain the necessary reference letters. When the officers questioned them extensively, women were reluctant to raise objections. This was brought on by a lack of experience working with government agencies and authorities. The fact that ethnic women were reluctant to speak Burmese was an additional barrier. As a result, the immigration officer often filled out the applicants’ information on their behalf due to either a literacy issue or a linguistic problem. This situation could create a human error, such as entering an incorrect birth date, name, or ethnicity. The applicants then had to start over at the beginning of the procedure if they wished to fix those errors. In this case, women often accepted the mistake as they felt uncomfortable to re-start the process. The chances of migrant or seasonal workers missing regularly scheduled government projects were also higher. Every two or three years, these ‘one-stop shop’ projects visit the ward or village to provide NRCs to those who do not have it. But the arrival of that project in the ward cannot be predicted, so migrants or seasonal workers might miss it. In order to obtain an NRC, they would have to visit the township immigration office separately. They were under time pressure because they could not take many vacation days from work, so when the officials took too long to issue their NRC, they had to pay unofficial fees to expedite the process. The corrupt officers more frequently victimized women in this situation since the officers were aware that women found it harder to travel or return to the office often until their card was issued. Patriarchal practices ingrained in citizenship documents The third section of the study investigated the patriarchal structure promoted by the NRC and its effects. Even though women might hold an NRC, this article demonstrates that several dynamics of discrimination restrict women’s ability to exercise equal citizenship rights. We can see what kinds of information need to be described in the NRC. For example, women’s employment status in the NRC and family registration list is typically listed as “dependent.”[9] Even though the female applicants wanted to be described as “household head”, the immigration officers did not accept that request. For example, one of the interviewed participants wanted to change her role to a household head on the family registration list while her father was paralyzed. But the officer told her she was not allowed as long as her father was alive. When her father died, she tried again. But the officer only recognized that her younger brother should take that role even though he is the youngest in the family, as he was the only man. Also, in some areas, women’s names were rarely recognized in land ownership documents. According to one of the participants in Kayin State, her name was allowed to be put in the land document only along with her husband’s name, even though her husband was living away and she was leading a farming business. Despite not being legally defined, the practices of favoring male household leaders are used as unwritten rules by officials. The dependent status in the NRC is always reflected in the status written in the family registration list. Thus, there are direct impacts on women’s economic and social lives and an indirect impact on their voting rights. For example, in the selection process of 10 household leader positions in 2012, only the heads of each family, mostly men, were invited to vote. So, when voting practices show a preference for one gender over another, women can essentially lose their right to vote, which could indirectly affect female candidates. Most voters were still men, even though the rules were altered in 2015 to allow one representative over 18 from each household to cast a ballot, whether a head of the family or not. That demonstrated how the state documents supported the idea that males should be the head of the home and women should be submissive in society. Additionally, although the dominant Bamar ethnic group does not require women to embrace their husband’s family name upon marriage – a custom long-cited as evidence of gender equality in Myanmar – women cannot be considered to enjoy equal rights with men.[10] For example, some ethnic groups, such as the Kachin, must still adopt the husband’s clan.[11] Therefore, the children must adopt the name and clan of their father. Identifying and preserving the father’s ethnicity has an effect on determining the ethnicity of the offspring. The father’s ethnicity is listed first in the NRC for those of mixed ethnicity. For instance, the children are Mon+Kayin ethnically since their father is Mon and their mother is Kayin. Similarly, the offspring would be considered “Kayin+Mon” if the father is Kayin and the mother is Mon. This case indirectly impacted the process of voting for ethnic ministers. Ethnic minorities were given one vote under the 2008 Constitution for the position of ethnic minister in each state or region. Therefore, a person of mixed ethnicity was only allowed to cast one vote in favor of the ethnic minister who represented them as the group listed first on their ID card. As a result, it appears that only the father’s ethnicity is acknowledged when choosing ethnic ministers. However, some respondents then expressed concern that as only their father’s ethnicity is recognized, their ethnic population in the state’s official documents would decline. Consequently, regarding CEDAW Article 9,[12] this practice directly restricts the rights of women and children. The third concern relates to the father’s name being recognized in the NRC and giving his identity card and signature more weight when children apply for their NRC. The contribution and recognition of single mothers is discouraged by this policy. This practice supports patriarchal norms because only fathers are recognized in children’s enrollment in school and their medical records from private or public institutions. Participants in the interviews asserted that this practice of favoring a father’s name when enrolling children in school or creating any registered documents resulted in more serious social problems, such as challenges with allowing single women to adopt children and difficulties with having an unwanted or unplanned pregnancy, while a male partner refuses marriage or support to his child. Conclusion Card holders use their NRCs for the following purposes: traveling, applying for jobs, education opportunities, access to property, as well as a guarantee for security as a citizen. This study found that women faced more barriers than males in the NRC application procedure, even though men may have similar reasons for acquiring NRC, such as for jobs and educational purposes. For example, the Federation of General Workers Myanmar’s recent report in August 2022 indicated that the Zhejiang Tongli Clothing factory dismissed about 100 workers whose NRC registered Regional codes were 5 (for Sagaing Region) or 8 (Magwe Region), as these regions have been leading the anti-military armed resistance among the Bamar-majority regions since the coup.[13] The military junta has forced people not to employ or accommodate those coming from these regions. Men from those regions have encountered military tyranny, but women’s suffering is two-fold, including both limited job opportunities and security concerns. This trend has increased the likelihood that female garment factory workers from Sagaing or Magwe regions will need to pay to rent or ‘borrow’ NRC cards from women from other regions in order to work. In this regard, women’s barriers to access to citizenship documentation are not only concerned with the state’s patriarchal institutionalized practices but also intersectional challenges related to class, religion, and ethnicity. First, migrant female workers and marginalized women such as Hindu and Muslim women, as well as illiterate women, have more difficulties acquiring the national ID card. Secondly, the most challenging factors women have encountered in the NRC application process include lack of adequate capacity in dealing with government officials, lack of education, lack of adequate information and supporting documents. Furthermore, language barriers also create limitations for non-Bamar ethnic minority women. Third, the practice of recognizing only fathers’ names and fathers’ ethnicity discriminates against women, particularly violating CEDAW’s Article (9). In addition, single mothers are disempowered because they are not adequately recognized. The status of women defined as “dependent” on their ID cards thus has negative impacts on women’s social, economic, and political life. For example, women have some limitations in applying for land ownership, voting, or running in an election because they are defined as “dependent”. Based on the findings, the study puts forward the following recommendations with the objective of giving women the ability to fully enjoy full citizenship rights by eliminating all limitations. The state should establish a women-friendly system at government offices such as the immigration, police, and township administrative offices. A women-friendly system means appointing female staff and officers to assist the female applicants in a friendly manner. The state needs to recognize self-determination with regard to ethnicity. This would allow children who are of mixed ethnicity to have the choice of whatever ethnicity they would like to identify with. Everyone needs to determine which ethnicity they represent to cast a vote for the ethnic minister position. The practice of recognizing only the father’s name on the national ID card and different kinds of application forms (including job applications and school enrollment) should be eliminated. Occupational status should not be included on the national ID card, or on the family registration list; or women should be given the right to define their own occupational status. Women will have to overcome obstacles in obtaining an NRC as well as limitations to enjoy the same rights as males as citizens as long as institutional impediments and practices of legitimizing patriarchy through NRC are not eradicated. The democratic forces working to create a federal democracy after a dictatorship should also think about the best way to address the ethnicity issue on the NRC and the wider system that preferences the father’s ethnicity..."
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Source/publisher: "Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
2022-09-12
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-12
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Description: "စာစောင်မှာပါဝင်တဲ့ အကြောင်းအရာများကို page မှာဝင်ရောက်ဖတ်ရှုနိုင်သလို စာစောင်အပြည့်အစုံကို အောက်ပါ link ကနေ ဝင်ရောက်ဖတ်ရှုနိုင်ပါတယ်..."
Source/publisher: Women Alliance Burma
2022-09-11
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-11
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Description: "We, the Women's League of Burma (WLB) and the Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD) along with World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) , International Service for Human Rights (ISHR), Mesoamerican Initiative of Women Human Rights Defenders, Association for Women's Rights in Development (AWID) and FORUM-ASIA are calling for global attention to stop the Burmese military junta from executing democracy activists, who are on the death row in detention including 9 women human rights defenders (WHRDs) . We are greatly concerned about their fate following the execution of Phyo Zeya Thaw; Kyaw Min Yu, known as "Ko Jimmy," Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw, the country's first death sentences carried out in over 30 years. Despite the widespread international condemnation of the execution, the military junta spokesman stated at a press conference that they had proceeded with the executions to keep the stability of the country in line with the rule of law, and it would not hesitate to repeat the actions. Moreover, the statement of the junta's Ministry of Foreign Affairs also said that they would continue to "take necessary legal actions against criminals" and tell foreign governments and agencies to stop interfering in the country's domestic affairs. All WHRDs were convicted after closed trials in the military court that fell far short of international standards. Alarmingly, reports revealed that death row detainees at Insein Prison have been separated from other inmates and a number of prisoners may be at especially high risk, as they have received more than one death sentence for their anti-regime activities. All has indicated that the illegitimate military junta is planning to continue the horrifying execution of political prisoners sentenced in death penalty. As of 30 August 2022, a total of 8 3 post-coup death row political prisoners including the following 9 women human rights defenders: 1. Myit Myit Aye 2. Moe Moe Myit Aung 3. Zin Mar Tun 4. Hla Hla Naing (Ka) Ma Naing 5. Khin Wint Kyaw Maung 6. Hsu Wai Hnin 7. Su Myat Thwe. 8. Cho Cho 9. Aye Aye Min These women were among other many fellow women, who actively and bravely participated in various activities using their professional skills, facing great personal risks to protest against the military coup, and to put an end to the brutal military dictatorship. It is high time to take decisive action against these serious violations of international law to preserve international peace and security and fulfil mandates contained in Resolution 1674 regarding the protection of civilians and Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. The international community, the United Nations bodies, the United Nations Security Council and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) must raise their voices for securing the human rights, safety, and welfare of the women of Burma/Myanmar. Women's League of Burma (WLB) and Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD) calls the International Community to: Condemn the Burmese military junta for killing civilians and executing Human Rights Defenders in the strongest terms and take effective action to stop further executions and atrocities Reject the Burmese military and its proxies by supporting and standing with the people of Burma to topple the military dictatorship; Apply concerted and strongest actions against the junta for the immediate and unconditional cessation of military violence and the release of all arbitrarily detained, including human rights defenders and WHRDs. Immediately dispatch a well-equipped monitoring and intervention mission to Burma to end the military violence and terror campaign against the people, to prevent further atrocities; Enact targeted sanctions against the Burmese military and its proxies to effectively cut off financial flows; Institute a comprehensive global arms embargo, with robust monitoring and enforcement mechanisms, to end the direct and indirect supply, sale, or transfer of all weapons and other equipment that may be used for training, intelligence and military assistance; Refer the situation on human rights in Burma to the International Criminal Court for their crimes against humanity, which have been perpetrated against innocent civilians, including peaceful protests and ethnic groups..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma and Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development
2022-09-01
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "ဖက်ဒရယ်စနစ် သန္ဓေတည်ဖို့ ပြည်နယ်ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်စို့" စကားဝိုင်းဆွေးနွေးပွဲမှ ကောက်နုတ်ချက်အပြည့်အစုံကို WLB ၏ ဝဘ်ဆိုဒ်တွင် ယခု ဖတ်ရှုနိုင်ပါပြီ။.....Now you can access the Federalism Beyond Revolution: Panel Discussion’s Journal; Volume 2 on the WLB's website..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
2022-08-22
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Unjustly sentenced to death, Jimmy, Phyo Zayar Thaw, Aung Thura Zaw, and Hla Myo Aung were actually killed, the military council announced on July 25. Despite warnings and objections from the international community, the decision was made without informing the families of the political prisoners who were killed. In addition, there are reports that other people who have been unjustly sentenced to death are being prepared for execution. We, the Burmese Women's Union, strongly condemns the unlawful killing of these political activists in prison. Currently, there are 77 people who are unjustly sentenced to death, including 9 women. In the view of BWU, the jurisdiction under military council was unjust and all the sentences were biased. In the current situation, the sentences themselves should be regarded as crimes and murders. From the perspective of international human rights, the act shows no respect for justice and human rights in terms of law. Furthermore, the right to life does not allow the death penalty to be imposed on anyone. The action is also obviously against the essence of democracy. BWU is seriously concerned that the terrorist military council is in a position to carry out more executions. So, now is the time for us to unite more to prevent such kind of actions. The actions of the Terrorist Military Council ignore the interests of the people and risk the sweat, blood and lives of many people to maintain their power. Therefore, in eradicating the military dictatorship, the related alliance groups, Democracy and human rights activists and all the people should work together in harmony, hand-in-hand. Although the international community, including ASEAN, warned and protested against the execution of political activists, the Terrorist Military Council did not recognize and acted against it. The heinous actions of the Burmese military council proves that it is time for the international community, including ASEAN, to take more practical measures to bring changes in Burma. Therefore, it is important to immediately stop the inhumane acts of Burmese military. And, we the Burmese Women Union, would like to urge international governments to put more and severe pressures against Burmese military to stop its unlawful actions..."
Source/publisher: Burmese Women's Union
2022-08-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "For the first time in the nation’s history, the number of internally displaced people (IDPs) in Burma/Myanmar has reached nearly 1 million people. The junta has torched 12,000 civilian homes across the country, in what can only be viewed as the military’s overarching strategy to intentionally displace the population, rather than a by- product of local level retaliation. The Burmese Army is actively preventing the delivery of lifesaving assistance to people affected by the conflict – blocking roads, destroying non-military supplies, imposing travel restrictions on international humanitarian workers and arresting local activists and people delivering lifesaving aid to IDP camps from Civil Society Organisations (CSOs). Despite the overwhelming evidence that the Burmese Army has committed grave crimes against humanity, and is the root cause of the humanitarian crisis, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) and ASEAN’s humanitarian body (AHA), agreed to deliver humanitarian aid to Karenni/Kayah, Karen states, and Magwe, Sagaing and Bago regions in consultation with the work committee of the military junta . OCHA and AHA’s assessment and delivery of programs will provide the junta with access to areas it has directly targeted with airstrikes and on-ground offensives. The agreement not only legitimizes the regime; it places the Burmese Army in a position to weaponize humanitarian aid. People all over Burma/Myanmar are facing severe food insecurity with an estimated 25 million people now living under the national poverty line, and 6.2 million people in need of life-saving aid. The conflict, along with the impact of COVID-19 containment measures, super-charged economic instability, leading to a currency crisis, rising inflation rates and a collapsed banking system. Women have been most impacted by the economic crisis, not just experiencing significant job losses, but taking on more unpaid care and domestic work. Women are also more likely than men to make sacrifices to reduce the financial stress on households. Alongside the peaceful pro-democracy movement, various armed resistance forces have emerged across the country. Some of the most effective armed resistance forces are fighting junta soldiers in an area called the Dry Zone, west of Mandalay. Not being a traditional battle ground for the junta, they have recruited, armed and trained pro-military networks to provide back-up, intelligence and local geographic knowledge. The pro-military networks are referred to widely as Pyu Saw Htee. The Pyu Saw Htee are reportedly poorly armed and have failed to take control of the region. The clashes between the two forces has unleashed a self- sustaining cycle of violence with retributive attacks on both sides..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
2022-07-11
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-11
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Description: "On this Int. Day for the #EliminationofSexualViolenceInConflict, KHRG stands with all victims and survivors of sexual violence in Burma. The Burma Army has a long history of using sexual violence as a weapon of war against civilians. As the military continues its reign of terror, KHRG condemns all crimes committed under conflict, including sexual and gender-based violence. KHRG recognises the gendered dynamics and impacts of war, as well as the nexus between sexual violence during conflict and conceptualizations of masculinity. Systematic and widespread crimes of sexual violence have been committed by Burma Army officers and their troops, including the current junta, upon both women and men, and are used to support structures of military power and subjugate dissidents, as well as inflict terror and repression. One survivor from Doo Tha Htoo (Thaton) District, who was captured by Burma soldiers and forced to porter, explained in 1992: “All night long the soldiers would come and drag women away to be raped. They took turns and women were often raped by several soldiers in one night. […] While I was being raped or trying to sleep, I could hear the screams of other women all around. This went on all night, and then in the morning they’d make us carry our loads over mountains again.” She endured this violence for 22 days prior to escaping. Another survivor from Kler Lwee Htoo (Nyaunglebin) District recounted being repeatedly violated in 1992 by the officer in charge while being held captive as a porter: “He just kept threatening that he’d give me to his men who’d rape me to death, waving his knife and demanding sex. I kept fighting but he tied up my other hand, and then he pushed me down and raped me.” Such forms of violence have continued unabated under successive military regimes. Since the 2021 military coup, feelings of fear and insecurity are constantly reported to KHRG by villagers in Karen State, especially by women, as widespread sexual crimes continue to be committed with impunity. Just the presence of soldiers in and near their villages has triggered memories of past violence, leading many to send young women to hiding sites. One IDP from the Lay Kay area (Doo Tha Htoo District) highlighted that due to the presence of soldiers in her village, “I do not let my younger sister return [from the hiding site] because I am afraid [fear sexual violence against her].” Given the current difficulty of crossing international borders to seek refuge and protection, all villagers, including those facing displacement, are at increased and constant risk of sexual and other gender-based crimes at the hands of the military. Bearing this severe situation in mind, KHRG argues for strong and immediate action to be taken against the military junta. Sexual violence as a weapon of war will continue to be perpetrated by the junta as long as the military escape accountability for their crimes..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
2022-06-19
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "This year's theme for Myanmar’s International Women’s Day is “Break the bias, Reject Dictatorship”. On this day, we would like to celebrate all women and girls fighting for democracy, human rights, justice, and peace not only in Myanmar but across the world. We also would like to honor those women and girls who have sacrificed their lives during our revolution. Since the coup in Feb 2021, more than 107 women have been murdered by the junta. And many women and girls have reportedly been tortured and some even sexually assaulted during their detention and interrogation by the fascist military. Successive military generals in Myanmar have used bias against women for decades, discriminating against them in all aspects of life. The history of Myanmar under military generals and their brutal dictatorship is filled with evidence of this bias, and rampant violence against women in particular. The world knows these inhuman generals have used not only bullets and fighter jet as weapons but also raped and other forms of gender-based abuse, causing women to suffer for the rest of their lives. There has been not only intimidation, torture, and discrimination against women in general, but they have imprisoned and insulted our elected leaders, like the State Counselor of Myanmar, Daw Aung San Su Kyi. In fact, the first victim of the Military coup was a young woman student, just 19 years old – Mya Thwate Thwate Khine. It is very telling that the first victim of the junta's “shoot to kill” policy was a woman. The testimony of the junta's victims, whether Rohingya, Kachin, Chin, Karen, Kareni, Rakhine, Shan, Mon or Barma were shocking and there seems to be no end to the litany of crimes the junta is responsible for. Mountains of evidence are even now being collected by UN bodies such as the Independent Investigation Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). These Military generals will be held accountable for their terrorism, and in this pursuit, no stone will be left unturned. We will bring these perpetrators to justice through national and international justice mechanisms. Even as we were preparing this statement for international women’s day, it was reported that a woman was raped and killed together with her 3-year-old daughter by the military terrorists in Pauk, Magway division. There are many similar events committed by the fascist junta, both in the past and at the present. We will never forget their crimes and we will continue to fight to dismantle the military dictatorship and fight for a country where we can end all forms of discrimination and dismantle the military dictatorship. We will fight for a country free of bias, stereotypes, gender violence, and sexual discrimination. To all the women and girls in our country, keep fighting for the revolution, and to all the women and girls whom we have lost during our revolution, we promise you all that your sacrifices are not in vain, and together we can build a country that is diverse, equitable, and inclusive. Together we can all BREAK THE BIAS and END DICTATORSHIP..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
2022-03-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "HURFOM: On this International Women’s Day, the Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM) wishes to extend our support and appreciation for the women of Burma, who continue to show great strength and resilience during these challenging times. Against the backdrop of the military junta’s deplorable actions, women of all ages and backgrounds have stood tall in the face of adversity, and used their courage to conquer the patriarchal entity that is the Tatmadaw. No revolution has ever been successful without the participation and leadership of women and girls. This is all the more true in Burma, where hundreds have been killed and thousands detained by the military junta. Despite widespread oppression of their rights and freedoms, women have continued to show their commitment to the Spring Revolution on the frontlines as medics and soldiers with allied opposition forces and through joining various pro-democracy causes such as the Civil Disobedience Movement. Over the last year, HURFOM has documented a notable increase in the targeting of young women in Mon State, Karen State and Tanintharyi region by the junta. Students in particular are regularly abducted for organizing pro-democracy activities and providing moral or monetary support to the various resistance movements. Female students are regularly abducted by the security forces where they face even more risks in junta custody, as the regime has a reputation of sexually harassing and raping women in prison. As a result of the instability, young people have attempted to flee to neighboring countries but have regularly been denied asylum and sent back to Burma. A majority of them are young women who are being deprived of their fundamental protection rights. Indiscriminate firing and shelling have also led to violence being deployed against women and resulted in them being killed or injured in the crossfire of violence. There are an estimated 20,000 new internally displaced people in southern Karen and Tanintharyi region, with the majority being women and children. The targeted gendered violence and abduction of young women and girls is symptomatic of a wider problem of impunity, which incites further violations of human rights. The junta has created systems which shield soldiers from accountability and embodies a deeply flawed entity which lacks moral consciousness and compassion of the harm they are willingly perpetrating. They have also long denied and dismissed the lived experiences and trauma of ethnic women who have been violated by the Burma Army. HURFOM envisions a future for women in Burma where they are safe from all forms of violence, and are recognized as true equals across all sectors. HURFOM is regularly inspired by the advocates and young women leaders in our community, and we look proudly to their leadership in the current context, and future challenges which lay ahead..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Foundation of Monland
2022-03-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-09
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Description: "This International Women’s Day, we, Women’s Peace Network, would like to express our gratitude to all the women across the world who stand up for their rights and fight for equality, peace, justice, and freedom. For a more just world, these women have risked their lives to dismantle the system of patriarchy and oppression underpinning our society. We take this day to remember them and remind ourselves of their legacy. Today also marks over a year since the Myanmar military toppled an elected government, intensifying its decades-long campaign of terror against our country’s people. Despite losing more than 90 women to the junta, at least 1600 to arbitrary arrest and detention, and hundreds of thousands more to forced displacement, we continue to risk our lives for full equality and self-determination. Ethnic minority communities know the Myanmar military’s hatred of us all too well: for generations, its forces have committed mass atrocity crimes, including the most egregious forms of sexual and gender-based violence, across our homelands. Amid its genocide against Rohingya, the military has weaponized sexual violence to strategically destroy our country’s ethnic minority and indigenous group. The victims and survivors of such atrocities await justice to this day. We are thus working tirelessly to defeat this patriarchal regime that only serves to subjugate us. In Myanmar and beyond, many of us know that our collective future rests upon a truly inclusive and democratic system that holds perpetrators of all forms of injustice accountable. This International Women’s Day, we ask you to remember and celebrate these brave women not just today but every day. At Women’s Peace Network, we stand in solidarity with our fellow women and fight to ensure that the Myanmar military is held accountable for its heinous crimes. When this justice is served, we will embrace our victory. Until then, we ask you to join our fight. We will never be free until all of us are free..."
Source/publisher: Women's Peace Network
2022-03-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 400.91 KB 428.87 KB
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Description: "The US State Department has recognized the parallel National Unity Government (NUG)’s deputy minister for women, youth and children affairs, Ma Ei Thinzar Maung, for her human rights and pro-democracy activities with the International Women of Courage (IWOC) award. Established in 2007, the award honors women who have demonstrated exceptional courage, strength and leadership to bring about positive change to their communities, often at personal risk and sacrifice. The 27-year-old is one of 12 women to receive the IWOC this year. Other winners include lawyers, human rights defenders, women’s rights activists and parliamentarians from Nepal, Bangladesh, South Africa, Iraq, Brazil, Liberia, Libya, Moldova, Romania, Vietnam and Colombia. A human rights activist since 2012, Ma Ei Thinzar Maung was the first female president of the student union of Yadanabon University. She was among several students who were arrested and faced violent crackdowns in 2015 for seeking changes to an education bill that limited academic freedom. She has been involved in minority rights, including for the Rohingya, and has demanded an end to conflict in Kachin and Rakhine states. The State Department announced [on Tuesday which is also international women’s day] that Ma Ei Thinzar Maung is an inspiring and influential pro-democracy voice, who emerged as a symbol of peaceful public resistance after the February coup, who worked to support peaceful activism like the civil disobedience movement and engagement with young people after the coup. Ma Ei Thinzar Maung faces an arrest warrant and is in hiding but she remains committed to democracy and continues to work for a strong, inclusive and democratic Myanmar that respects human rights, the State Department said. The award will be presented virtually next week. The State Department has recognized more than 170 women from over 80 countries with the IWOC. Other IWOC recipients from Myanmar include the current NUG foreign affairs minister, Daw Zin Mar Aung, in 2012 and women’s rights activist Daw May Sabe Phyu in 2015..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-03-09
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Today, on International Women's Day 2022, the Women's League of Burma condemns the coup d’etat committed by the militaristic Tatmadaw that obstructs our efforts to achieve our equality objectives by actively reinforcing the patriarchy. On February 1, 2021, the Tatmadaw staged a coup to revitalize military dictatorship, and coup has not only violated democratic principle, but it has also taken away the opportunities to promote the participation and leadership role of women in politics as well as in every other level of decision-making. Furthermore, the institutionalization of male dominance is not only strengthening the systems that favor men and traditional practices that treat women as a subordinate class who are weak and dependent, but it is also leading to an increase in violence against and oppression of women. With the intention to aggravate fear among the public, the Tatmadaw has been using different forms of sexual violence including rape as weapons of war in non-Bamar ethnic areas for more than 70 years. Since the military coup, the strategic use of sexual violence has been rising substantially. Women have become targets of gender-based human rights violations and war crimes including murder, unlawful detention, imprisonment, and hostage-taking since the coup. And the military's continued commitment of these crimes with impunity have led to a total of 107 women killed and 1527 women imprisoned. So long as the Tatmadaw remains in power and continues to bolster the entrenchment of patriarchy, they will continue to enjoy impunity for committing war crimes. Therefore, we, the Women's League of Burma, would like to reiterate that now is a crucial time to eradicate the Tatmadaw and all the other institutions that are based on patriarchy. Therefore, to build a peaceful federal union in which we want to reside, Women's League of Burma hereby urge young people, women and all revolutionary forces including Spring Revolution forces to join our efforts in collectively abolishing not only the military dictatorship but all forms of dictatorship that are underpinned by patriarchy alongside the slogan, "For equality, end patriarchy"..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
2022-03-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-08
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Description: "As today, March 8th, marks International Women’s Day, KHRG would like to honor all the women who have defended human rights and continue to do so in this critical time. We extend our appreciation for their contributions, dedication and achievements now and in the past. This year’s theme for International Women’s Day is “Break the Bias” meaning that all of us, collectively, must work together to break gender bias and ensure women’s equality. Whether deliberate or unconscious, bias makes it difficult for women to move ahead. Bias against women exists at every level of our communities and can only be broken if each of us is active in fighting against it. Since the military coup on February 1st 2021, women have actively led and participated in the fight for human rights and democracy. Women led the first anti-coup protests and the first person to be killed in anti-coup protests was a woman. Since then, countless women have made unspeakable sacrifices in the fight for democracy and human rights. As the situation in Burma/Myanmar has become increasingly dangerous and unpredictable, more and more women have become victims of killing, torture, rape and detention. However, women are choosing to fight back at whatever cost to regain their rights and the rights of all people in Burma/Myanmar. During past periods of armed conflict in Burma, women often assumed positions of authority within their communities, despite the risk to their own security. Due to fighting and human rights abuses, many men fled their villages or went to fight on the frontlines, leaving women to take on leadership roles traditionally occupied by men. Following ceasefire agreements in 2015, men have taken back positions of authority. Women in Burma, however, continue to actively fight for human rights and a better future for their children, yet often in the margins. As armed conflict has resumed, women are once again taking on risky positions within their communities. Women’s voices and their leadership need to be recognised and promoted in this critical time, but also ensured into the future. In Southeast Burma where armed conflict is escalating, thousands of civilians have been displaced, including women and children. Displaced mothers and pregnant women are living in conditions unsafe for childbirth and adverse to the caring of young children. Displacement sites leave women subject to physical security, food insecurity, poor sanitation, COVID-19 infection and other illnesses, inclement weather, and other unforeseeable threats. The defence of human rights is thus critical to the defence of women’s rights in such situations. Today, we would like to honour all the women who have given or dedicated their lives for others, women who have fallen victim to atrocities and chose to fight, and women who take care of and protect their communities. As we recognize these women and their courage, all of us must continue fighting for a more equal world where there is no more bias, stereotypes and discrimination..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
2022-03-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
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Description: "New UN study says fear, violence, and isolation prevents Myanmar women from accessing income and healthcare Bangkok -- Rising violence and insecurity are forcing women in Myanmar to stay away from jobs and healthcare services, says a new UN survey of over 2,200 women, which signals a deterioration of development gains in the country. "Regressing Gender Equality in Myanmar: Women Living Under the Pandemic and Military Rule", which launched today on International Women's Day, finds that women are losing ground on development gains, due to fear of violence. The survey conducted in December 2021 found that one-third of women are afraid of walking in their neighbourhoods, even during the day. This is a sharp departure from what women in Myanmar said in 2019, when only 3.5 percent of women reported feeling unsafe during the daytime, in their communities. Half of the women surveyed said they do not feel safe outside their neighbourhoods, and a full third reported feeling unsafe in their own homes, at night. "The survey sends a clear and chilling message that the fear of violence is preventing the women of Myanmar from living a normal life. This must be addressed right away," said Kanni Wignaraja, UNDP's Director for the Regional Bureau for Asia and the Pacific. The pandemic and heightened insecurity from the military takeover has gravely impacted women's finances and health. Without investments in their safety, agency, and capacities, women will be unable to take ownership of their lives and take care of their families. This will have a direct adverse effect on future generations and on the overall prosperity of Myanmar." The survey also paints a bleak view on the economic front. Nearly seven out of 10 women report that household income has fallen since the coup, exacerbated by the pandemic. Women living in rural areas are experiencing a continual decline in their incomes. With shrinking household incomes, women report skipping meals, taking out loans, and selling off anything valuable to make ends meet. This drastic fall in economic prosperity for women must immediately be halted and the wider health and welfare of women in Myanmar must be prioritized for the country to rebound following COVID-19. "The women of Myanmar have played a key role in the development of their country," said Sarah Knibbs, Officer-in-Charge for UN Women Asia and the Pacific. "Women drove the response to Cyclone Nargis in 2008 and the transition to democracy after 2012. They rushed to the front lines to help battle waves of COVID-19, and now they have been leading the peaceful movement demanding a return to democracy. They are the future of this country, as this report shows, and we need to give priority to their needs and concerns." Women's health is also affected by the rising insecurity in Myanmar. Half the women reported that access to healthcare services is becoming more difficult. One out of ten pregnant or breastfeeding women had a pregnancy or childbirth issue for which public or private health services could not be accessed. This is an extremely troubling statistic for infant mortality and maternal health in Myanmar. The report adds that the compounding effects of COVID-19 and the political unrest on women's security, finances, and health will not disappear quickly. Women are likely to face setbacks for years to come. It is important to reverse this trend quickly to recoup the gains that were being made towards gender equality..."
Source/publisher: UN Development Programme and UN Women via Reliefweb (New York)
2022-03-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf
Size: 1.51 MB (Original version), 1.36 MB (Reduce version) - 70 pages
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Description: "Women in Myanmar have shown their strength over decades of armed conflict. They have also reshaped a landscape of patriarchal values that have long attempted to shape the country. Advocates have been calling for stronger legislation to protect women from physical and emotional violence, but there has been a disappointing lack of desire to pass laws which would protect survivors and ensure access to justice. The malice exhibited by the Myanmar junta includes many years of sexual violence perpetrated during internal conflict. Under these harrowing circumstances, women and girls bear the burden. They are targeted by soldiers while trying to escape raids, and flee organized violence. Those who survive are left traumatized and often without adequate access to psychosocial counseling. Their lives, along with their families, are forever marred by the regime’s vehemence. Pathways to justice are filled with roadblocks, including costly trials and protection granted to soldiers. The junta has been able to evade accountability and increase the likelihood of repeat offenses. Years of impunity has reinforced a deeply flawed legal system that denies the dignity, safety and security of victims. Since the failed Myanmar coup on 1 February 2021, civilians have come under fire as soldiers have attempted to squander resistance movements through any means necessary. Over 1,500 people have been killed and hundreds more injured, according to local documentation groups. Against this backdrop of unyielding violence, women’s resistance movements have prevailed under the darkest of circumstances. Pro-democracy campaigns have taken place in spite of the threats and risks to their physical and digital security. In the presence of the Myanmar military, women have never been safe. Nevertheless, women’s voices for change continue to persevere. Against all odds, indeed, they continue to resist..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
2022-03-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Description: "On International Women’s Day, the UN in Myanmar reaffirms its solidarity and commitment to the women and girls across Myanmar. As we mark the occasion of International Women’s Day, the United Nations in Myanmar reiterates its commitment to put women and girls at the centre of its development and humanitarian work in response to the ongoing crises in the country, to ensure that their needs are met, and to support their role and agency in shaping a future path for their country. The theme for 2022 is “gender equal today for a sustainable tomorrow”, recognizing that gender equality and women's rights are fundamental to global progress on peace and security, human rights, and sustainable development. Throughout history, the women of Myanmar have played a key role in the development of their country. In the past two years, they have both assumed a leading role in the response to the COVID-19 pandemic and been at the forefront calling for a return to democracy and respect of human rights while being disproportionally affected by the compounded crises that the country is going through. According to the latest humanitarian update from the United Nations in Myanmar, as of 28 February 873,000 people are displaced in Myanmar, including 502,600 people who have fled their homes since 1 February 2021 and 370,400 people from previous conflicts. The majority of IDPs are women and girls. Both the World Bank and International Labour Organization analyses show that the socio-economic impact of the crisis has disproportionally affected women and girls. According to the ILO, 580,000 women were estimated to have lost their employment in just the first six months of 2021. A recent Study by the UN Development Programme and UN Women reveals that women are bearing the brunt of the impact of COVID-19 and the military takeover with its unprecedented impact on the economy. Women have adopted drastic coping mechanisms to deal with falling incomes and nearly half of women report a significant increase in their unpaid care and domestic work, reducing their chances to earn a livelihood. Women are also reporting increased difficulty in reaching services including maternal health services. To address this reality, the members of the United Nations Country Team have worked tirelessly with local women civil society organizations and their partners to prioritize the need of women and girls in their response to the crises. In 2021, the United Nations delivered sexual and reproductive health services for 46,158 women and gender-based violence services for 28,611 women across the country and supported 6,502 maternal emergency referrals, helping women in hard-to-reach and conflict-affected areas to receive essential health care. The UN also delivered food and nutrition assistance including school feeding and resilience building support for about 1.5 million women and girls across the country, reached more than a quarter of a million women and girls with critical water, sanitation and hygiene supplies and provided more than 120,000 conflict-affected women and girls with access to safe water. Together with partners, over 14,000 girls and 3,500 women were also provided with mental health and psychosocial support services, delivered in communities and through child-friendly spaces. With support from donors, the UN has provided the equivalent of 1.7 million USD in cash transfers to 39,042 vulnerable garment workers, overwhelmingly women. Financial inclusion partners also provided loans totaling more than 498 million USD to 2.4 million clients, 91 per cent of whom were women, in the first half of 2021. In additional 5.2 million USD in loans were disbursed to more than 257,000, 93 per cent women, in conflicted-affected areas. On International Women’s Day, the UN in Myanmar reaffirms its solidarity with women and girls, and its commitment to stand by their side as they forge the future of their country. We also echo the words of the UN Secretary-General in recognizing the contribution of women and girls, their ideas, innovations, and activism that are changing our world for the better, and their leadership across all walks of life. Without gender equality today, a sustainable future, and an equal future, remains beyond our reach..."
Source/publisher: UN Country Team in Myanmar via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2022-03-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "ဆယ်စုနှစ်များနှင့် ချီသည့် ပဋိပက္ခ စစ်ပွဲများအတွင်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ အမျိုးသမီးများသည် ၎င်းတို့၏ ကြံ့ခိုင် သန်မာမှုကို ပြသခဲ့ကြသည်။ တိုင်းပြည်တွင် နှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာ အမြစ်တွယ်နေသည့် ဖိုဝါဒ ကြီးစိုး မှုကိုလည်း ပုံစံပြောင်းပစ်ကြသည်။ အမျိုးသမီးများအပေါ် ရုပ်ပိုင်း၊ စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ မှ ကာကွယ်ရန် ခိုင်မာသည့် ဥပဒေများ ပြဌာန်းပေးရန် တောင်းဆို စည်းရုံးလှုံ့ဆော်ကြသည်။ အသက် ရှင်သန် ကျန်ရစ်သူများအား အကာအကွယ်ပေးရန်နှင့် တရားမျှတမှု ရရှိစေရန် အာမခံမည့် ဥပဒေများ ပြဌာန်းရန် ဆန္ဒမရှိသည်မှာ စိတ်ပျက်ဖွယ်ဖြစ်သည်။ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်၏ ရန်လိုသော သက်သေအဖြစ် ပြည်တွင်းပဋိပက္ခအတွင်း နှစ်ပေါင်းများစွာ လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင် ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု ကျူးလွန်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုသို့ မချိမဆန့် ခံစားရသည့် အခြေအနေအောက်တွင် အမျိုးသမီးနှင့် လုံမပျိုများမှာ ဝန်ထုတ်ဝန်ပိုးကို ထမ်းထားရသည်။ တိုက်ခိုက်မှုနှင့် ကြံစည်ထားသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများမှ လွတ်မြောက်ရန် ကြိုးပမ်းသည့် အမျိုးသမီးများမှာ စစ်သားများ၏ ပစ်မှတ်ထား ခြင်း ခံရသည်။ အသက်ရှင်ကျန် လွတ်မြောက်လာသူများမှာလည်း စိတ်ဒဏ်ရာများ ရရှိထားပြီး လုံလောက်သည့် စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ နှစ်သိမ့်ဆွေးနွေး ပညာပေးမှုများ မရရှိပေ။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ လုပ်ရပ်ကြောင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ ဘဝ တသက်တာလုံး မိသားစုနှင့်အတူ အရှက်တကွဲ အကျိုးနဲမှုကို ခံစားကြရ သည်။ တရားရုံးတွင် ဖြေရှင်းသည့် ကုန်ကျစရိတ် ကြီးမြင့်မှုနှင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင် တပ်သားများအား အကာအ ကွယ် ပေးထားမှု အပါအဝင် တရားမျှတမှု ရှာဖွေရေး လမ်းကြောင်းများကိုလည်း ပိတ်ဆို့ထားသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များသည် တာဝန်ယူ တာဝန်မှုကို ရှောင်ကွင်းပြီး အကြိမ်ကြိမ် ထိုးစစ်ဆင်နေသည်။ နှစ် ပေါင်းရှည်ကြာ ကျင့်သုံးနေသည့် ပြစ်ဒဏ်ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့်ဓလေ့ကြောင့် တရားစီရင်မှု စနစ်ကို အားနည်း သွားစေပြီး နစ်နာသူများ၏ ဂုဏ်သိက္ခာကို ချိုးနှိမ်ငြင်းပယ်ရာ ရောက်သည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် ဖေော်ဝါရီ ၁ရက် အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးချိန်မှစ၍ စစ်သားများက ၎င်းတို့အား ဆန့်ကျင် ခုခံသူ များအား နည်းပေါင်းစုံဖြင့် ဖြိုခွဲခဲ့ရာ ပြည်သူလူထုမှာလည်း နှိကွပ်မှုပေါင်းစုံ ခံနေရသည်။ စစ်တပ်၏ အကြမ်းဖက် ဖြိုခွဲမှုကြောင့် ပြည်သူ ၁၅၀၀ ကျော် သေဆုံးခဲ့ပြီး ရာနှင့်ချီ၍ ဒဏ်ရာရသည်ဟု မှတ်တမ်း တင်သည့် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများက အစီရင်ခံကြသည်။ ထိုသို့ တင်းမာပြင်းထန်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ နောက်ခံတွင် အမျိုးသမီးများ၏ ခုခံတွန်းလှန် လှုပ်ရှားမှုမှာ နေရာအနှံ့အပြားတွင် ပေါ်ပေါက်လာသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့အား ဆန့်ကျင် တွန်းလှန်နေသူများ၏ ရုပ်ပိုင်း၊ အသုံးပြုသည့် မိုဘိုင်းဖုန်းနှင့် အင်တာနက် ဆက်သွယ်မှု လုံခြုံရေး ခြိမ်းခြောက်ခံနေရသော်လည်း ဒီမိုကရေစီရေး စည်းရုံးလှုပ်ရှားမှု များ ဆက်လက်လုပ်ဆောင်နေသည်။ မြန်မာစစ်တပ်များ နေရာယူ တပ်စွဲထားသည့်နေရာများတွင် အမျိုးသမီးများ၏ ဘဝမှာ လုံခြုံစိတ်ချရမှု မရှိပေ။ မည်သို့ပင်ဆိုစေကာမူ အပြောင်းအလဲအတွက် အမျိုးသမီးများ၏ အသံမှာ မဆုတ်မနစ် ထွက် ပေါ်နေပြီး ဆန့်ကျင်တားဆီးမှုများကို ကြံကြံခံလျှက်ရှိသည်မှာ အမှန်ပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ ယခုပူးတွဲအစီရင်ခံစာကို လူ့အခွင့်အရေးမှတ်တမ်းကွန်ရက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ (ND-Burma), မွန်ပြည်လူ့အ ခွင့်အရေး ဖောင်ဒေးရှင်း (HURFOM) နှင့် ကချင်အမျိုးသမီးအစည်းအရုံး ထိုင်းနိုင်ငံ (KWAT) မှ ပြုစုထားပြီး မြန်မာပြည်ရှိ အထူးသဖြင့် ကချင်ပြည်နယ်၊ ရှမ်းပြည်မြောက်ပိုင်း၊ ကရင်ပြည်နယ်၊ မွန်ပြည်နယ်နှင့် တနင်္သာရီ တိုင်းဒေသကြီး ရှိ အမျိုးသမီး နှင့် လုံမပျိုများမှာ လွန်ခဲ့သည့် နှစ်အတွင်း စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ ခြိမ်း ခြောက် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုကို မည်သို့ ခံနေရကြောင်း ဖော်ပြထားသည်။ အစီရင်ခံစာတွင် အမျိုးသမီးများ ကြုံတွေ့နေရသည့် စနစ်တကျ ခြိမ်းခြောက်၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ခံရမှုများကို လည်း မည်သို့ ကျော်လွှားခဲ့ကြသည်ကို ဖော်ပြထားသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
2022-03-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 1.18 MB
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Description: "What’s the role and position of women in opium cultivation areas in Myanmar? What is life like for women who use drugs in Myanmar? This primer maps out the gendered dynamics of drug policy in Myanmar, drawing from on-the-ground conversations with women involved in the drugs market. When it comes to drugs and related policies, women and their experiences are often rendered invisible, or presented merely as an afterthought even though in many cases women tend to face harsher effects of punitive policies. This primer emphasises the need for a rights-based approach for these specific populations of women – women using drugs, women dealing drugs or couriering (sometimes to support personal use), and women engaging in the drugs market through opium cultivation. But women’s positions are not limited to being the receiving end of repressive policies and practices. In most contexts, despite their lack of visibility, women play a wide variety of active roles within the drugs market, and more importantly within their families and communities, as we will show in this primer. Having said that, there is clearly a need to situate (drug) policy discussions within a broader look at women’s roles in leadership and decision-making processes, as opposed to only spelling out the impacts of drug policy and drug markets on women in Myanmar. This primer aims to map out the gendered dynamics of drug policy in Myanmar, drawing from on-the-ground conversations (conducted between 2018 and 2021) with women who use drugs, women who grow opium, as well as women engaging in sex work and/or involved in the drugs market. These women must work to survive both in rural and urban areas. They come from various age groups (between 19 and 72 at the time of interviews) and ethnic backgrounds, residing in different areas in (Southern) Shan State, Kachin State, and Mon State..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute ( Amsterdam)
2022-03-07
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 1.27 MB
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Sub-title: s key members of the resistance, the women hope their sacrifices will break down barriers across society.
Description: "More than a year after Myanmar’s coup, women are joining the ranks of anti-junta paramilitary groups and assuming key posts within the opposition, a trend they say is crucial to ending military rule and rebuilding a more equitable country. Since the military seized power from Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy on Feb. 1, 2021, life is worse in Myanmar by nearly every measure. The nation’s economy is in shambles, government services have ground to a halt, and rule of law is nearly nonexistent. Security forces have arrested at least 9,500 people and killed 1,620 – mostly during peaceful anti-junta protests, according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Dozens of those killed were women, according to the group, while rights organizations have decried the military’s use of sexual violence as a weapon against its opponents since the coup. As the situation in Myanmar becomes increasingly desperate, women from all walks of life have assumed roles more typically associated with men in the effort to end military rule — whether by advancing the nationwide Civil Disobedience Movement, organizing street protests, or taking up arms as members of prodemocracy People’s Defense Force (PDF) paramilitary groups. Tin Tin Nyo, chairwoman of Burmese Women’s Union, told RFA’s Myanmar Service that women are more likely to sacrifice their families and even their lives to take part in the resistance movement because the stakes have never been higher. She said that women are needed in these roles if the opposition hopes to remove the junta from power and ensure that all stakeholders have a seat at the table when order is restored. “[Women] will not give up and will keep fighting to eliminate military rule — we need to acknowledge that as a nation,” she said. “Women are participating in the cause to build a better future for Myanmar. They need to participate in leadership roles. Their labor is crucial to advance our society, which is deteriorating in every area.” RFA spoke with several female leaders in the resistance movement who said that they were driven to action out of a sense of duty to protect their nation from junta misrule. They said that they hope their contributions will help to break down barriers that limit the role of women in society. Amaya joined the Myaung Women Guerrilla Group (MWGG) in Sagaing region’s Myaung township and regularly fights against the military alongside her male counterparts. She said she and other women paramilitaries could no longer stand by and watch while junta soldiers “shot and killed young people in the street,” particularly after those in Myaung township began “moving from one village to another, committing every crime imaginable, on a daily basis.” “We were protesting peacefully but they were killing us lawlessly, so we decided that armed resistance was the only option,” she said. “Slogans such as ‘Down with the fascist authoritarian regime’ and ‘Our cause is Federalism’ motivated us to participate in the movement.” MWGG members have told RFA that the group was launched in October to empower women who might otherwise be preyed upon by raiding troops. They said that MWGG fighters now regularly participate in operations using explosives and “exterminating military informers.” ‘Fighting to protect’ the people Htet Htet Naing, a female commando from a PDF group based in the seat of Sagaing region, said that after witnessing death and destruction in her region, she felt compelled to fight on the frontlines. “There are many challenges, and it is more challenging for women. It is very exhausting to take part in the training. The food we are eating is substandard,” she said. “We keep in mind that only by fighting, will we succeed. We remind ourselves that the people are behind us, and we are fighting to protect them.” Cinderella, a fighter from the Dove KK Southern Shan/Kayah PDF medics team of doctors and nurses from Kayah state, said it isn’t difficult to remind herself of why she joined the armed resistance. “This revolution has emerged to eliminate the reign of a class of people who rule by violence and lawlessness, in a time of injustice where human rights exist only in books,” she said. “All of Myanmar’s people, both men and women, must take part in this revolution. I am here to contribute physically and intellectually for our collective future. No matter what kind of challenges lie ahead, we will do whatever we can to succeed.” Mya Hnin Yee Lwin, a former actress who joined the armed resistance, said that she gave up a comfortable life to help motivate her countrymen “not to give up on the revolution.” “We are living a lifestyle that I could never have imagined, but I no longer think, ‘What’s in it for me?’ I can only think about how I can contribute to the revolution,” she said. “I believe [justice] always prevails in the end and I believe we will reach our destination one day.”..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
2022-03-07
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "In this Spring Revolution, the revolutionary vigor and decisive leadership of the women of Burma, belonging to all classes and ethnicities, has shaken the military junta to their very core. For the first time in the history of Burma, women were able to unfurl their Hta-Mein [female skirt/Sarong] as flags; proclaiming “Our Hta-Mein! Our Flag! Our Victory!”. This heroine chant of the Spring Revolution resonated across the country and beyond. The valiant spirit of the women of Burma was acknowledged not only domestically but all around the world. The terrorist-like military tried to mercilessly crush any kind of opposition with excessive force using heavy weaponry. They carry out tactics of terror to scare the population into submission. Yet, the spirit of the people has not faltered, and their unwavering resolve is just getting stronger after a year, with February 1, 2022 marking one year after the military unsuccessful coup in the Burma. From the very start, women have continuously put up a vigorous fight in the frontlines. To punish and suppress them, in the span of this past year, the military junta has imprisoned thousands of women and tortured many of them horrendously in numerous ways. These heinous acts are still being perpetrated by the military all throughout the country. Regardless, women in Burma are resolute in their goal to end the military dictatorship, liberate the masses, and obtain full democracy within the country. And it is with that determination that they keep fighting in the frontline, risking their lives and futures for this cause. This report tries to acknowledge and commemorate the revolutionary spirit and sacrifice of women of all ethnic groups of Burma, and those fallen heroes who perished at the hands of the terrorist military junta..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
2022-02-16
Date of entry/update: 2022-02-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 9.85 MB (Original version), 3.97 MB (Reduce version) - 67 pages
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Description: "Spurred on by military atrocities, young people are turning to armed struggle against the regime – leaving supportive but fearful families behind When Peh Reh’s* mother, Mi Nya*, lost contact with him in September, she had little doubt as to where he had gone. Four months earlier, the 19-year-old had told her he wanted to join the armed resistance against the military, which had seized power from the democratically-elected government in Myanmar in February 2021. Yet she refused to let him leave their home in Myanmar’s south-eastern Karenni state (also known as Kayah). “In my eyes, he is still so young,” she says. “If I could, I would like to keep my son next to me all the time.” Intense fighting between armed revolutionary groups and the military had been escalating in Karenni state since May, three months after the coup. Q&A What is the Reporting Myanmar series? Like thousands of other families, Peh Reh and his family left their homes and sought shelter in the forest. There, he and his father waited for lulls in the fighting to return to tend to their farm, while his mother went deeper into the forest with the three younger children. The family tried to return home but were forced to flee a second time as the fighting escalated around their village. A few days later, Peh Reh disappeared. "I told him to pray and be careful at all times. I pray for him every day" - Mi Nya The next time his mother heard from him he was in a training camp for an armed revolutionary group. This time, Mi Nya decided not to stand in his way. “I told [my son] to pray and be careful at all times. I also pray for him every day” she says. Peh Reh is one of a rising number of young men and women across Myanmar leaving their families to take up arms as the country is plunged into violence, poverty and mass displacement, with more than 1,400 civilians killed in military crackdowns on the pro-democracy movement since February 2021. As the people of Myanmar endure internet blackouts, arbitrary arrests, a ruthless curtailing of freedom of speech, and escalating military attacks on civilian areas, many of the country’s youth have decided armed resistance is their only option. On the other side of the country in Kalay, a small city in Sagaing region near Myanmar’s north-western border with India, 21-year-old Zaw Htet* took part in the street demonstrations that erupted after the coup, while his mother went on strike from her public-sector job as part of a broader civil disobedience movement. Soon after, the military began using deadly force on protesters around the country, including in Kalay. By 28 March, protesters in the city had begun defending themselves with guns, barricading themselves behind sandbags and firing homemade weapons back at soldiers and police who attacked them with snipers, machine guns and rocket-propelled grenades. By the time the military destroyed the protest camp, at least 18 civilians were dead. As Zaw Htet endured this terrifying experience, his mother, Aye Mya*, was punished for joining the civil disobedience movement. The military evicted her and her family from government housing in June, and she has since been selling street food to survive. These experiences intensified both Zaw Htet’s and his mother’s hatred of the military, and when he told her he wanted to join the armed struggle, she supported him. She has only seen him once since he left in July. His absence has left her anxious about how her son is enduring the harsh conditions of life in the forest. “Now that he is a revolutionary fighter, he might be sleeping on the ground,” she says. “I worry about whether he has warm clothes or not. Whenever it rains, I worry he may be soaked.” She also follows the news with dread as clashes escalate in Kalay township, and young people are arrested and killed daily. Yet, despite this, she says she is optimistic that the young generation can succeed where, three decades ago, her generation could not. In 1988, she was active in the student-led pro-democracy protests, when the country also erupted in turmoil as the former regime arrested thousands and opened fire on crowds. Although Aye Mya initially joined those protests, she stopped when the firing started. Now, she says she is no longer afraid. “This time, the revolution is very different than in 1988. Young people today have greater knowledge of politics. They are determined and braver than us,” she says. Some mothers have joined the revolution themselves, including Shwe Yun Eain*, a 23-year-old farmer from Sagaing region’s Myaung township. In October she left her three-year-old daughter with her mother and went off to fight. “My mother told me, ‘My daughter, do not worry for your daughter. I will take good care of her. Just focus on the revolution,’” she says. “I cannot sit still while the whole nation is fighting against military dictatorship.” A cartoon of a girl holding a gun ‘My first time holding a gun’: from Myanmar student to revolutionary soldier – a cartoon Read more She has spent the past three months training with the country’s first all-female armed resistance group, the Myaung Women Warriors. Not wanting to endanger her mother or daughter by making contact, she has only seen them once since she left home. The Myaung Women Warriors’motto is “the hand that swings a baby’s hammock can also be part of the armed revolution,” and Shwe Yun Eain says that despite the hardships she faces, she remains committed to her decision. “As a mother, I have had many ups and downs since I joined the armed revolution,” she says. “I continue fighting to root out this evil system for my daughter’s future and the next generation.” * Names have been changed to protect identities. Nu Nu Lusan is a freelance journalist from Kachin state based in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. She focuses on human rights and social justice issues in Myanmar and especially covers issues around ethnic minorities, rural areas and women. Emily Fishbein is a freelance journalist writing on human rights and social justice in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
2022-02-04
Date of entry/update: 2022-02-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Amid worsening hostilities in Karen State, the lives of innocent civilians are increasingly at risk as thousands continue to flee in search of safety. The Karen Women Organization (KWO) strongly condemns the ongoing, systematic human rights abuses being perpetrated against villagers who have been indiscriminately targeted in a series of unrelenting attacks by the military junta, including the murder of Naw Khee, a 56-year-old woman killed on 21 December. Naw Khee was working on Robin Farm in Yar Khee Klo early in the morning with her husband when fighting between the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and the Burma Army broke out. The clashes were with Burma Army Battalion, LIB-101 along with five Border Guard Force (BGF) soldiers, led by BGF Commander Bo Maung Soe. As the junta troops approached Naw Khee, her husband fled. Terrified and alone, she was violently interrogated. When she responded that she did not know where the KNLA soldiers were, the soldiers broke her nose. A gun was then put in her mouth and she was shot to death. Her body was found by local villagers on 22 December who dared not retrieve her until the junta soldiers had left the area. Burma has become a battlefield as the junta plunges the country further into armed conflict. Women, children and the elderly are being subjected to frequent bombings, artillery strikes and indiscriminate firing. With violence increasing, ongoing attacks against women and girls are a reoccurring crime being perpetrated with impunity by the junta. Every day, there continues to be more incidents of torture and killings. The military's expanding offensives in ethnic areas and unrelenting air and ground strikes has forced thousands to flee and seek safety. Dozens have been killed, arrested and disappeared. As a result of the increasing offensives, the number of internally displaced persons and refugees are steadily rising on Burma's borders of Thailand, China, India and Bangladesh. Limited access to areas where the military has established bases has only heightened the level of concern KWO has for the many who are displaced and living in fear without protection. Justice has been denied and dismissed for victims of the regime's attacks. Women across the country are facing a multi- burden: a lack of human security, a loss of civil liberty rights due to the military's attempted seizure of power. Accountability for the mass crimes committed by the Burma Army, including genocide, are long overdue..."
Source/publisher: Karen Women's Organisation
2021-12-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-12-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf
Size: 92.01 KB 411.17 KB
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Description: "Women in Myanmar have been tortured, sexually harassed and threatened with rape in custody, according to accounts obtained by the BBC. Five women who were detained for protesting against a military coup in the country earlier this year say they were abused and tortured in the detention system after their arrests. Their names have been changed in the following accounts to protect their safety. Warning: this piece contains disturbing descriptions of abuse. Since Myanmar's military seized power in February, protests have swept across the country - and women have played a prominent role in the resistance movement. Human rights groups say that although the military in Myanmar (also known as Burma) used disappearances, hostage-taking and torture tactics before, the violence has become more widespread since the coup. As of 8 December, 1,318 civilians have been killed during military crackdowns on the pro-democracy movement, including 93 women, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) non-profit human rights organisation. At least eight of those women died while in custody, four of whom were tortured to death in an interrogation centre. More than 10,200 people have been detained in total, including over 2,000 women. Democracy activist Ein Soe May was imprisoned for almost six months - the first 10 days of which were spent in one of Myanmar's notorious interrogation centres, where she alleges she was sexually assaulted and tortured. Soe May old the BBC that one morning, while making placards for a protest, she was arrested and bundled into the back of a van. "It was already night when I arrived [at an undisclosed location]. I was blindfolded and made to dodge imaginary objects as I made my way to the interrogation room, so they could make a fool of me," Soe May said. Her captors questioned her, and for every answer they didn't like they hit her with a bamboo stick. Soe May said she was also repeatedly pressed for details of her sex life. One interrogator threatened: "Do you know what we do to the women that end up here? We rape and kill them." She was then sexually assaulted while blindfolded. "They pulled down the oversized top I was wearing, they touched me as they did it, exposing my body," she said. Her blindfold was later removed, and she saw one of the guards take all but one of the bullets out of his revolver. When she didn't give them details of her contacts, they made her open her mouth and "forced the loaded revolver inside it", she said. Makeshift detention centres According to Manny Maung, Myanmar researcher at Human Rights Watch (HRW), interrogation centres "could be anything from makeshift holding sites, a room in a military barrack or even an abandoned public building". This was corroborated by a lawyer in Myanmar who spoke to the BBC, but asked not to be named for her own safety. She said she represented several detainees who had also reported being tortured and sexually assaulted during interrogations. "One of my clients was wrongly identified but arrested anyway. When she explained she wasn't the person the authorities accused her of being, she was tortured with an iron rod which was rolled over her shins repeatedly until she lost consciousness," the lawyer said. The woman was then "sent to another interrogation centre where she alleges a male guard told her that if she slept with him, he would get her released", she added. The lawyer described a legal system in Myanmar as opaque, and where attorneys like her are sometimes powerless. "We try to challenge [arrests and interrogations], but we are told the processes are legal and that [interrogators] have been given orders." While it is impossible to verify Soe May's account, the BBC spoke to other female detainees who also said they had been tortured and sexually assaulted in interrogation centres. "They forced me to raise the three-finger salute [a symbol of resistance in Myanmar] for more than an hour as a guard stroked my hair to intimidate me," one detainee said. Another woman, who was taken to an interrogation centre in Shwe Pyi Thar township, said: "They pulled the girls out of the room. Some girls came back with some buttons on their clothes undone or missing." 'Fake news' The BBC put Soe May's testimony to Myanmar's Information Deputy Minister Maj Gen Zaw Min Tun, who denied any torture was being carried out by the military and dismissed it as "fake news". Earlier this year, the military broadcast an image of a female detainee. Her face had been beaten to the point she was unrecognisable. The image went viral. She is still in prison, facing weapons charges. The BBC asked Maj Gen Zaw Min Tun why the military did not hide the injuries. He said: "It can happen when arrests are made. They try to escape and we have to capture them." Solitary confinement Abuse does not just happen in secret interrogation sites. An activist in her 50s, who we are calling Ms Lin, described to the BBC how she was placed in solitary confinement for more than 40 days inside Yangon's Insein prison. Ms Lin didn't have anything in her cell but the clothes she was wearing - not even necessary medication. During her detention she grew increasingly weak. "I would lie in the dark and worry I was going to die," she said. "Sometimes, I heard shouting and crying from nearby cells. I kept thinking about who was being beaten." She recounts how one day a male officer entered her cell with several female officers. "When they were about to leave, I noticed the male officer was videoing me," she said. She made a complaint, but said it was "futile". HRW researcher Manny Maung told the BBC that often in prisons about 500 women would be crammed into rooms only big enough for, at most, 100 detainees. They would have to take turns to sleep, because they can't all lie down at the same time. They were also being denied basic sanitation, she said, adding such a step was "denying them a fundamental right". The woman who was taken to Shwe Pyi Thar interrogation centre also experienced this in prison. "The women who had just arrived from the interrogation centres had wounds that hadn't healed, whilst some were menstruating and were only allowed to shower after seven days in detention," she said. Soe May, who was released in an amnesty of more than 5,000 prisoners in October, said her activism was worth the fear of being re-arrested. "I understand there is always a possibility I could get arrested again and I might die, but I want to do something for my country," she said. "Although I don't feel safe, I want to continue to be part of this movement." Illustrations by Davies Surya and Jilla Dastmalchi..."
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Source/publisher: BBC News (London)
2021-12-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-12-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Today marks an important day on the International calendar. This is the special day when we ask people in the world to stand quietly for a moment and think about the violence perpetrated against women every day, and what we can do, all of us, to stop it. Today we are asking everyone to Have Courage to Speak Out about injustice and stop all forms of violence against women..."
Source/publisher: Karen Women's Organisation
2021-11-25
Date of entry/update: 2021-11-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 199.81 KB 93.88 KB 89.77 KB
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Description: "The Australian Council for International Development (ACFID) has presented the 2021 Sir Ronald Wilson Human Rights Award to The Women’s League of Burma. The Women’s League of Burma (WLB) is a national network of 13 ethnic women’s rights organisations working towards the advancement of the status of women for a peaceful, just and federal democratic union for over 20 years. In the immediate aftermath of the military takeover earlier this year, WLB closed its Yangon office and established an advocacy team to work underground in Burma/Myanmar and across the border in Thailand and India. They now produce a monthly situation report detailing human rights violations against women, which has become a key source of data used by journalists, global analysts and activists. Presenting the award ACFID President Susan Pascoe said “Throughout 2021, WLB has been at the forefront of challenging the military coup in Myanmar, demonstrating outstanding leadership in international advocacy promoting women’s human rights. “Members of the WLB risk their lives every day to defend and advance the rights of women of all ethnic identities in Burma. This award acknowledges their courage in the face of violence. Continuing on, Marc Purcell, CEO of ACFID, stated that “ACFID supports WLB’s call for urgent action to reject the military junta and support a transition towards an inclusive, federal democracy.” WLB has taken a strong public position in promoting the human rights of Rohingya women. It was one of the first civil society organisations in Myanmar to speak out against the military’s deadly crackdown on the Rohingya Muslims in August 2017, which resulted in more than 700,000 people fleeing across the border into Bangladesh. On receiving the award, the General Secretary of the WLB, Naw Hser Hser said, “Following the coup, the majority of the people of Burma, including democracy activists and women’s human rights activists, have felt let down by much of the international community. This award sends the message to women human rights defenders in Burma, including from the 13 member organizations of WLB, that the Australian community does recognise and support our struggle for justice and peace. The award motivates us, boosts us to withstand any obstacles and helps sustain us. “We hope through this award more people in the Australian community will understand the scale of atrocities committed by the military junta and will reject the military junta, and over 70 years of struggle of ethnic nationalities against the dictatorship. “We hope the international community, including the Australian Government, will join with other democracies to adopt targeted sanctions on military leaders and their business interests. [We hope that] “This award is dedicated to all heroines, both fallen and alive, especially ethnic women, who have dedicated their lives to our struggle for fundamental rights. On behalf of WLB, I would like to say thank you and express our most sincere gratitude and appreciation for presenting us with the Sir Ronald Wilson Human Rights Award from the Australian Council for International Development. We are humbled at the recognition of our work, and accept the award with grace and humility.”..."
Source/publisher: The Australian Council for International Development
2021-11-22
Date of entry/update: 2021-11-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 145.71 KB
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Description: "In the eight months since the military coup of the 1st February 2021 Myanmar's economy and health care systems have been crippled and internal armed conflicts have been expending across the country. Since September 7th, the day the National Unity Government (NUG) announced a defensive war against the military junta by the National Unity Government (NUG), armed conflicts between local resistance forces and the military (SAC) have intensified in some states/ regions of Myanmar. Military arrests of civilians targeted women activists and youths, and the military has used artillery attacks on civilians during the armed conflicts. Within the armed conflict, the military is systematically suppressing women in their political resistance, including through the use of sexual abuse during detainments and interrogation. Women have to gamble with their lives under the military dictatorship and collapsed heath care system, there is a general lack of physical security in the country. Women can be arrested anytime, anywhere and could be taken as hostages, as well as the ever-present threat of being caught in active conflict. Despite the extreme risk of being imprisoned, tortured, or killed, the women's hunger for peace inspires them to continue this revolution by leading strikes and organizing support for members of civil disobedience movement, and even taking up arms. According to information from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) and Burmese Women's Union (BWU), from February 1 to September 30, a total of 1267 women were arrested and 57 women were sentenced. In addition, 78 women were murdered by the military (SAC). The information presented here comes from credible sources collected by the BWU. BWU accepts the facts that the actual death rate and eradication of public property likely to be significantly higher. Women in Political Conflicts In civil wars and situations of political uncertainty, women and children suffer the most. In the period following the military coup, countless civilians were killed and injured due to artillery attacks, abandoned military weapons, and land mines in the villages. Among these deaths and injuries, there are women and children as young as two years old Some deaths were due to the lack of health care services during detentions and imprisonment. A woman named Khin Mar Cho who suffered from diabetes was arrested There are reports that there are many cases where the military has informed family members that such deaths during detention, imprisonment and interrogation were due to covid-19. Family members have lost the right to accurate information and face difficulties when trying to meet their detained family members. One of the barbarous acts of military juntas is that a pregnant woman was arrested under the suspicion of being a member of a people's defense force (PDF). She gave birth at a village while under arrest, as soldiers were forcing her to walk to their station. As soon as she gave birth, she immediately had to carry on to the station; the soldiers forced the villagers to carry her.2 Ma Soe Mi Mi Kyaw who was arrested on September 20th tried to under the 505(B) law and detained by Minkin Police. During the detainment, she did not get permission to receive medical treatment and as a result, she died while in detention.1kill herself by drinking methylated spirit due to torture during the interrogation. By scrutinizing her case, it is impossible to even imagine the level of torture women experience at the hands of the military junta, to acquire information during the interrogation process. Through the observation of several cases, it is found that the military is violating fundamental human rights through using torture and denying health care to detainees..."
Source/publisher: Burmese Women's Union
2021-10-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf
Size: 1.13 MB 1.87 MB
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Description: "On 19 October 2021, the military coup council released over 5000 detainees, who were unjustly arrested and detained. Together with the family members and friends, Women's League of Burma (WLB) is very delighted for the release of Daw Thin Thin Aung, who was arrested on 8 April 2021. WLB would like to express our gratitude to all our friends and supporters, national and international organizations and individuals who painstakingly campaign for the release of Daw Thin Thin Aung & other women's human rights defenders, and the unjustly arrested. We acknowledge your support and solidarity efforts for us. Special thanks are to Asia Pacific Forum for Women, Law & Development (APWLD), Nobel Women's Initiative (NWI), Amnesty International (AI), Melanne Verveer, the executive director of the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security at Georgetown University & Human rights lawyer and author Nandita Haksar. WLB urges friends and supporters around the world, national and international organizations and individuals to continue your encouragement and solidarity campaigns for the release of the remaining detainees unjustly arrested, the elimination of all kinds of dictatorship including military dictatorship, and our movement to establish federal democratic union which guarantees self-determination, equality, peace and justice..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
2021-10-20
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 22.79 KB 258.17 KB
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Description: "The Karen Women’s Organization (KWO) and the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) strongly condemn the use of women as human shields by the Burma Army in Karen State and other ethnic areas. Women in particular face many risks in being used as human shields, being subjected to forced labour, to torture and sexual violence, and to assaults in military custody. This type of inhumane treatment by the Burma Army must end immediately and all soldiers responsible for subjecting women to this harrowing ordeal need to be held accountable without impunity. Rampant militarization throughout the country is threatening the stability and security of civilians who are living in fear amidst ongoing attacks. On August 19th 2021, at 1:00 PM, the Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) #341 and LIB #410 from Ler Toh army camp, based at Hkaw Poo village tract, Bu Tho Township, Mutraw district. When the soldiers arrived, they confronted and arrested three women villagers. The soldiers kicked and stepped on them and asked them many questions. These two military battalions forced three women to carry their materials and equipment and used them as human shields until they reached Kyaw Hta Loh River, where they were released after sustaining minor injuries. And on September 1st at 2:00 PM, after a skirmish between the SAC and the KNLA soldiers at Paing Kalan Done village tract, Kawkareik Township, Dooplaya District, SAC soldiers took Naw Mu Htee Kaung, 30 years old, and used her as a human shield by placing her in front of them as they marched farther into KNU territory. Using civilians as human shields is forbidden under international humanitarian law. The Burma Army’s use of sexual violence in conflict areas is nothing new. However, what is increasingly frustrating is that the crimes committed by the Burma Army remain unpunished. Rape and other forms of gender-based violence have been systematically used by the Burma Army as a weapon of war for decades. The cases mentioned are not isolated incidents. KWO and KHRG remain extremely concerned at the growing level of unrest in Burma. No one should ever be subjected to the terror of being used as a human shield. Throughout the country’s turbulent history, women have never been safe and this is yet another example of how their lives are at risk. Weak rule of law, which has been in place for decades, only undermines their struggle further, and pursuits for justice and accountability have been hijacked by the junta. Last month, KWO received reports from the ground about an increase in Border Guard Forces and Burma Army soldiers in Karen State. The state-backed regime is forcing villagers to go to their bases and use them as human shields. They also stayed in the villages and looted villagers’ properties such as money, jewellery, motorbikes, tractors, food supplies, livestock, and destroyed houses. Burma Army drones and airplane surveillance in Karen areas have caused fears among villagers of potential airstrikes. The increase in fighting is directly linked to the expansion of Burma Army operations. Since the coup, KHRG has documented an increase in militarization in Karen State. The increase in military presence, fighting, shelling, and airstrikes have caused mass displacement and civilian casualties. Women and girls are especially affected by mass displacement. According to KHRG’s documentation, women have been forced to give birth and to take care of their new-borns in the caves and jungles, without access to adequate maternal care. The international community must do more to act on behalf of the people of Myanmar. We call on the UN Security Council to refer the Burma/Myanmar situation to the International Criminal Court and to declare a no-fly zone in Karen areas. Humanitarian support must be provided for those fleeing from fighting. In addition, steps must be taken to refrain from all engagements with the junta and the so-called State Administration Council, and instead to recognize the National Unity Government, who represents the people’s voice. Further, human rights must be a priority at the upcoming United Nations General Assembly later this month where a pivotal decision will be made on who will be the chosen representative for Burma/Myanmar. UN bodies must recognize that the people of Burma/Myanmar overwhelmingly reject the junta and their unlawful attempts to seize democracy in the country. KWO and KHRG urge the protection of all civilians in the country and for the UN to act swiftly and with conviction to intervene in the declining state of human rights in Burma/Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
2021-09-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-09-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Description: "ကျမတို့မြန်မာ့အမျိုးသမီးသမဂ္ဂ BWU က လစဉ် အမျိုးသမီးတွေနဲ့ ပတ်သက်တဲ့ သတင်းအချက်အလက်တွေ စုဆောင်းပြီး ပြင်ဆင်ထားတဲ့ လစဉ် သတင်းအနှစ်ချုပ်ကို ဖတ်ရှုလို့ ရပါပြီရှင့်။ ဒီ သတင်းအနှစ်ချုပ်က ဇူလိုင်လထဲမှာ အမျိုးသမီးတွေ ရင်ဆိုင်ခံစားနေရတဲ့ အခြေအနေတွေကို ကျမတို့ စုဆောင်းရရှိတဲ့ အချက်အလက်တွေအပေါ် အခြေခံပြီး ပြင်ဆင်ထားတာ ဖြစ်ပါတယ်ရှင့်။ ဒီအချက်အလက်တွေကို လိုအပ်သလို ပြန်လည်ကိုးကားနိုင်ပါတယ်။ အကြံပြုချက်တွေကိုလဲ ကြိုဆိုပါတယ်ရှင့်။..."
Source/publisher: Burmese Women's Union
2021-08-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "August 1, 2021 Joint statement from UNFPA and UN Women in Myanmar: impacts of the compounded political and health crisis on women and girls in Myanmar Yangon – Six months since the military takeover in Myanmar, the country faces a compounded political and public health crisis, on top of intensification of conflicts, putting the lives of even more women and girls at serious risk with the deteriorating socio-economic situation adding hundreds of thousands of people to those in need of humanitarian assistance in the country who were not previously targeted for humanitarian support. Since February 1, women and girls have been at the frontlines as leaders of civil society organizations, civil servants, activists, journalists, artists and influencers, exercising their fundamental rights to express their hopes for the future of their country. Even before the coup, women, who make up 75 per cent of Myanmar’s healthcare professionals, were at the forefront of the COVID-19 response. Now, during a tragic surge in COVID-19 cases, many women continue in their activism and serve their communities while also assuming significant responsibilities as caregivers for sick family members, and for their children’s home-based learning. Women and children are also expected to bear the heaviest brunt of the combined crises with those most at-risk including single women, pregnant and breastfeeding women and girls, ethnic and religious minorities, older persons, people with disabilities, children and people of diverse gender identities and sexual orientations. The impact on women workers has already been pronounced with 580,000 women estimated to have lost employment since February 1. Women and girls experience challenges to access sexual and reproductive health services due to the collapsed health system, with attacks on hospitals, financial barriers and movement restrictions further jeopardizing their health and well-being. Over 685,000 women are currently pregnant in Myanmar and it is estimated that nearly 250 preventable maternal deaths may occur in the next month alone if they are not able to access appropriate emergency obstetric care. Furthermore, the adolescence of over almost five million girls (10 to 19 years old) in Myanmar has been seriously disrupted by public-health, loss of school-year, and security-related restrictions and fears. LGBTIQ+ populations have flagged serious concerns about their mental health and wellbeing before the coup, and these concerns are now heightened. Moreover, with continued arbitrary arrests and detainment of women and girls and people of diverse gender identities and sexual orientations, serious protection concerns persist with continued reports of sexual harassment and of sexual violence perpetrated against activists and detainees. Conflict-related sexual violence remains a key risk given recent reports on top of evidence of widespread previous allegations. Non-governmental organizations, civil society organizations and women’s organizations/activists have been working very hard to respond to all these increasing safety, health and protection risks faced by women, girls, young people and people of diverse gender identities and sexual orientation. While the need to provide support to these population groups increases, the operational environment is becoming more and more challenging due to the ongoing conflict/insecurity as well as the COVID-19 pandemic, in addition to the banking crisis and the access restrictions. UNFPA and UN Women as co-chairs of the UN Gender Thematic Group in Myanmar stand in solidarity with the women and girls of Myanmar and urge all stakeholders in Myanmar and abroad to listen to their voices and uphold commitments to international human rights for all people. We reiterate the UN Secretary-General’s call to release all who have been arbitrarily detained and echo the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence to end all forms of violence against women and girls. We will continue to work with our partners to deliver life-saving social and health services to reach women and girls in Myanmar.....UNFPA နှင့် UN Women မှ ပူးတွဲ သတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်း ပိုမိုဆိုးရွားလာသော နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့် ကျန်းမာရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကျပ်အတည်းများက အမျိုးသမီးနှင့် မိန်းကလေးများအပေါ် သက်ရောက်မှုများ ရန်ကုန် - မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် စစ်တပ်မှ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက် ခြောက်လတာကာလအတွင်း နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့် ပြည်သူ့ကျန်းမာရေးဆိုင်ရာ အကျပ်အတည်းများကို ဆိုးရွားစွာ ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည်။ ပဋိပက္ခဖြစ်ပွားမှုများ မြင့်တက်လာမှု နှင့်အတူ အမျိုးသမီးများနှင့် မိန်းကလေးငယ်များ၏ ဘဝများသည် လွန်စွာစိုးရိမ်ရဖွယ်ရှိနေပြီး လူမှုစီးပွားဆိုင်ရာ အခြေအနေများ ယိုယွင်းပျက်စီးလာခြင်းကြောင့် ယခင်က လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အထောက်အပံ့ပေးမှု အောက်တွင် မပါဝင်ခဲ့သည့် လူပေါင်းသိန်းချီကာ လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားမှုအကူအညီများ လိုအပ်နေပါသည်။ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ (၁)ရက်နေ့ ကတည်းက အမျိုးသမီးများနှင့် မိန်းကလေးငယ်များသည် အရပ်ဘက်လူမှုအဖွဲ့အစည်း ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၊ ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းများ၊ တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူများ၊ သတင်းသမားများ၊ အနုပညာရှင်များနှင့် လူထုကိုသြဇာလွှမ်းမိုးသူများအဖြစ် ရှေ့တန်းမှနေ၍ ၄င်းတို့၏ အခြေခံအခွင့်အရေးများကို ကျင့်သုံးကာ နိုင်ငံတော်၏ အနာဂတ်အတွက် မျှော်လင့်ချက်များကို ထုတ်ဖော်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ အာဏာမသိမ်းမီကပင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ ကျန်းမာရေး စောင့်ရှောက်မှုဆိုင်ရာ ပညာရှင်များ၏ ၇၅ ရာခိုင်နှုန်းဖြစ်သော အမျိုးသမီးများသည် COVID-19 တားဆီးကာကွယ်ရေး တုံ့ပြန်ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများတွင် ရှေ့တန်းမှ ပါဝင်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ ယခု COVID-19 ဖြစ်ပွားမှုများ တဟုန်ထိုး များပြားလာချိန်တွင် အမျိုးသမီးများစွာသည် ၄င်းတို့၏ လှုပ်ရှားဆောင်ရွက်မှုများကို ဆက်လက်ဆောင်ရွက်ပြီး ၄င်းတို့၏ လူမှုအသိုက်အဝန်းကို အလုပ်အကျွေးပြုနေကြသလို နေမကောင်းသည့်မိသားစုဝင်များကို ပြုစုစောင့်ရှောက်ရေး၊ ကလေးများ နေအိမ်အခြေပြု ပညာသင်ကြားရေး စသည့် အရေးပါသော တာဝန်များကိုလည်း ဆက်လက် တာ၀န်ယူ လုပ်ဆောင်နေကြသည်။ အမျိုးသမီးများနှင့် ကလေးငယ်များသည် နှစ်ခုပြိုင် အကျပ်အတည်းရိုက်ခတ်မှုကို အဆိုးရွားဆုံး ခံစားရဖွယ်ရှိပြီး တကိုယ်ရည်တကာယ အမျိုးသမီးများ၊ ကိုယ်ဝန်ဆောင်မိခင်နှင့် နို့တိုက်မိခင်များ၊ လူနည်းစုဖြစ်သော တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးစု၊ ဘာသာရေးအုပ်စု၊ သက်ကြီးရွယ်အိုများနှင့် မသန်စွမ်းသူများ၊ ကလေးသူငယ်များနှင့် လိင်စိတ်ခံယူမှုကွဲပြားသူများ၊ လိင်စိတ်တိမ်းညွှတ်မှု ကွဲပြားသူများသည်လည်း ပိုမိုထိခိုက်ခံစားရမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီလ ၁ ရက်နေ့နောက်ပိုင်း အမျိုးသမီးအလုပ်သမားများအပေါ် သက်ရောက်မှုအနေဖြင့် ခန့်မှန်းခြေ အမျိုးသမီးဦးရေ ၅၈၀,၀၀၀ ခန့် အလုပ်အကိုင်ဆုံးရှုံးကြရသည်။ ကျန်းမာရေးစနစ်ပြိုလဲခြင်း၊ ဆေးရုံများအား တိုက်ခိုက်ခံရခြင်း၊ ငွေကြေးဆိုင်ရာ အခက်အခဲများ ကြုံရခြင်းနှင့် လှုပ်ရှားသွားလာမှု ကန့်သတ်ချက်များကြောင့် အမျိုးသမီးများနှင့် မိန်းကလေးငယ်များသည် လိင်မှုနှင့် မျိုးဆက်ပွား ကျန်းမာရေး ဝန်ဆောင်မှုများရရှိရန် စိန်ခေါ်မှုများစွာ ရင်ဆိုင်ကြရသည့် အပြင် တဆက်တည်းမှာပင် သူတို့၏ ကျန်းမာသုခကိုလည်း ထိခိုက်ပျက်စီးစေသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် လက်ရှိ ကိုယ်ဝန်ဆောင်နေသည့် အမျိုးသမီးအရေအတွက် ၆၈၅,၀၀၀ ကျော်ရှိသည်။ ထိုအမျိုးသမီးများသည် သင့်တင့်လျောက်ပတ်သော အရေးပေါ်သားဖွားပြုစုစောင့်ရှောက်မှု မရရှိပါက နောက်လတစ်လထဲ၌ပင် ကြိုတင် ကာကွယ်နိုင်သည့် မိခင်သေဆုံးမှု ၂၅၀ ခန့်ရှိမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ခန့်မှန်းထားသည်။ ထိုမျှသာမက မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ အသက် ၁၀နှစ်နှင့် ၁၉နှစ်ကြားရှိ ဆယ်ကျော်သက် မိန်းကလေးငယ်ပေါင်း ၅ သန်းနီးပါးမှာ ပြည်သူ့ကျန်းမာရေး ထိခိုက်မှု၊ စာသင်နှစ် ဆုံးရှုံးမှုနှင့် လုံခြုံရေးဆိုင်ရာ တားမြစ်ချက်များ၊ အကြောက်တရားများကို ဆိုးရွားစွာ ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည်။ LGBTIQ+ များသည် ၄င်းတို့ ကြုံတွေ့နေရသည့် စိတ်ကျန်းမာရေးဆိုင်ရာ စိုးရိမ်မှုများကို စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုမတိုင်မီကပင် ထုတ်ဖော်ပြောကြားခဲ့ပြီး ယခုအချိန်တွင်လည်း ပိုမိုစိုးရိမ်ဖွယ် အခြေအနေ ဖြစ်လာသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အမျိုးသမီးများနှင့် မိန်းကလေးငယ်များ၊ လိင်စိတ်ခံယူမှုနှင့် လိင်စိတ်တိမ်းညွှတ်မှုကွဲပြားသူများကို မတရားဖမ်းဆီးချုပ်နှောင်ခြင်း၊ ထိန်းသိမ်းခြင်းများအား ဆက်တိုက်လုပ်ဆောင်လာမှုနှင့်အတူ တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူများနှင့် ဖမ်းဆီး ထိန်းသိမ်းခံ ထားရသူများ အား လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ နှောင့်ယှက်ခြင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက်ခြင်းများအကြောင်း ဆက်တိုက် သတင်းပေးပို့တင်ဆက်မှုများသည် အထူးအကာအကွယ်ပေးရေးကို လုပ်ဆောင်ရမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အလေးပေးဖော်ပြနေပါသည်။ ယခင်စွပ်စွဲချက်များနှင့် ဆက်စပ်သည့် ထိပ်တန်းသက်သေခံ အထောက်အထားဆိုင်ရာ အစီရင်ခံစာများအရ ပဋိပက္ခဆိုင်ရာ လိင်အကြမ်းဖက်ခြင်း သည် အဓိက အန္တရာယ်တစ်ခုအဖြစ် တည်ရှိနေဆဲဖြစ်သည်။ အစိုးရမဟုတ်သောအဖွဲ့များ၊ အရပ်ဘက်လူမှုအဖွဲ့များ၊ အမျိုးသမီးအဖွဲ့များနှင့် တက်ကြွလှုပ်ရှားသူများသည် အမျိုးသမီးများနှင့် မိန်းကလေးငယ်များ၊ လူငယ်လူရွယ်များ၊ လိင်စိတ်ခံယူမှုနှင့် လိင်စိတ်တိမ်းညွှတ်မှု ကွဲပြားသူများ ရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့နေရသည့် လုံခြုံရေး၊ ကျန်းမာရေးနှင့် အကာအကွယ်ပေးရေးတို့တွင် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဖြစ်နိုင်မှု များပြားလာသည့်အခြေအနေကို တုံ့ပြန်နိုင်ရန် အထူးကြိုးစားဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိသည်။ အဆိုပါအုပ်စုများအား အထောက်အပံ့ပေးရန်မှာ ပိုမိုလိုအပ်လာသလို လက်ရှိဖြစ်ပွားနေသော ပဋိပက္ခအခြေအနေသာမက COVID-19 ကပ်ရောဂါ၊ ဘဏ်လုပ်ငန်း အကျပ်အတည်းနှင့် အသွားအလာ ကန့်သတ်မှုများကြောင့် လုပ်ငန်းဆောင်ရွက်မှုအခြေအနေမှာလည်း တစ်စထက်တစ်စ စိန်ခေါ်မှုများ ပိုမိုများပြားလာပါသည်။ UN Gender Thematic Group တွင် ပူးတွဲသဘာပတိအဖြစ် တာဝန်ယူထားသော UNFPA နှင့် UN Women အဖွဲ့တို့သည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ အမျိုးသမီးများနှင့် မိန်းကလေးငယ်များနှင့်အတူ တသားတည်း ရပ်တည်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ၄င်းတို့၏ အသံကို နားထောင်ကြရန်နှင့် လူသားအားလုံးနှင့် သက်ဆိုင်သော အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ လူ့အခွင့်အရေး ကတိကဝတ်များကို လိုက်နာဖော်ဆောင်ရန် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအတွင်းနှင့် နိုင်ငံရပ်ခြားတွင်ရှိသော သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ဆက်စပ်ပတ်သက်သူများအားလုံးကို တိုက်တွန်းပါသည်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့အနေဖြင့် မတရားဖမ်းဆီးထိန်းသိမ်းထားသူများအားလုံးကို ပြန်လွှတ်ရန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ အထွေအထွေအတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်၏ တောင်းဆိုမှုနှင့် အမျိုးသမီးနှင့် မိန်းကလေးများအပေါ် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုအားလုံးကို အဆုံးသတ်ရန် ကုလသမဂ္ဂ အထွေထွေ အတွင်းရေးမှူးချုပ်၏ လိင်ပိုင်းအကြမ်းဖက်မှုဆိုင်ရာ အထူးကိုယ်စားလှယ်ထံမှ တောင်းဆိုမှုကို ထပ်လောင်း ဖော်ပြလိုပါသည်။ ကျွန်ုပ်တို့သည် မိတ်ဖက်အဖွဲ့များနှင့်အတူ အသက်ကယ်ဆယ်ရေး လူမှုဘ၀ဆိုင်ရာနှင့် ကျန်းမာရေးဆိုင်ရာဝန်ဆောင်မှုများကို မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ အမျိုးသမီးများနှင့် မိန်းကလေးငယ်များ ရရှိစေရန် ဆက်လက်ဆောင်ရွက်သွားပါမည်။..."
Source/publisher: UNFPA Myanmar and UN Women Asia and the Pacific via United Nations Myanmar
2021-08-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-01
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Description: "As part of an ongoing monthly analysis WLB has released our June briefer on the situation of human rights amid the military coup in Burma, where 57 women have been killed & 1,060 women have been arrested. There must be justice & accountability!..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
2021-07-22
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Heavily pregnant women displaced by fighting risk their lives to give birth after being forced from their homes in escalating conflict.
Description: "On a stormy night in June, Rosemary lay in the darkness of her home in a deserted village in Myanmar’s Mindat township, gripped by labour contractions as Mai Nightingale, a 25-year-old midwife, tried to stifle her cries. “Only the two of us were left alone in the village. We closed all the doors and windows of the house and stayed quietly inside,” said Mai Nightingale. “When she felt pain, I put a blanket in her mouth because we feared that soldiers might hear her.” Like others interviewed for this article, Al Jazeera has used pseudonyms for Mai Nightingale and Rosemary for their safety. Rosemary’s contractions had begun the previous night, but with soldiers approaching her village in southern Chin State, she and the other villagers fled into the forest. But there was no proper shelter from the unrelenting rain, so Rosemary and Mai Nightingale decided to take the risk of encountering soldiers and return the next morning. “The situation didn’t favour delivering a baby,” said Mai Nightingale. “We saw Burmese soldiers walking towards our village but we couldn’t turn back because [Rosemary] was already exhausted.” Rosemary’s husband did not dare accompany her for fear that, if seen, soldiers would mistake him for a member of a local armed group. Since a February 1 military coup, civilian defence forces, armed largely with hunting rifles and homemade weapons, have sprung up across the country to fight against the regime, and Mindat has been a hotspot of resistance since May. In line with tactics the military has used for decades to quash an armed rebellion and terrorise the people, soldiers launched disproportionate attacks on Mindat including firing artillery, rocket-propelled grenades and machineguns into residential areas while imposing martial law, causing the town to empty, according to local media reports. Young men are particularly likely to be targeted. Rosemary delivered her baby shortly after the sound of soldiers had faded, and Mai Nightingale cut and tied the umbilical cord with a razor blade and some thread which, lacking other means of sterilisation, she boiled in water. Although Rosemary and her baby are healthy and unharmed, the circumstances of the birth highlight the increasing risks which mothers and newborns face amid an escalating humanitarian crisis. Mai Nightingale and two other nurses interviewed by Al Jazeera, who are providing maternal and newborn healthcare to those displaced by armed conflict, say they are severely limited in their ability to safely deliver babies, and that physical insecurity further imperils pregnant women and newborns amid the continuing violence. “The main health risks for pregnant women and newborn babies are their lives. They can die during labour or after because they have to run whenever soldiers get closer to where they are hiding,” said a nurse in Loikaw township, Kayah State who goes by the nickname Smile. “There is not enough medical equipment or medicine … Babies cannot get vaccinations or adequate shelter.” Collapsing health system Some 230,000 people have been newly displaced since the coup, according to United Nations estimates. The military has not only attacked civilians but has also cut off food and water supplies to people affected by conflict, shelled displacement camps and churches of refuge, shot displaced people attempting to fetch rice from their villages, and burned food and medical relief supplies along with an ambulance. Meanwhile, Myanmar’s health system has all but collapsed, leaving few options even for those women prepared to risk returning to their town or village to give birth or seek vaccinations or treatment for their babies. Ongoing medical worker strikes amid a broader Civil Disobedience Movement have left government hospitals threadbare, while some health facilities have shut down altogether. The military has also repeatedly attacked healthcare professionals and facilities and occupied hospitals. "My mother placed her hand on my cousin and prayed. By the grace of God, she successfully gave birth." - SMILE, MYANMAR NURSE Alessandra Dentice, Myanmar representative ad interim with the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), told Al Jazeera that the vast majority of pregnant women displaced since the coup lack access to emergency obstetric care, while routine immunisations for children have “come to an almost complete halt”. “Without urgent action, we estimate that annually 600,000 newborns will miss out on essential newborn care, creating serious risks for their survival and long-term wellbeing across the country,” she said, adding that about 950,000 children are also missing out on critical vaccination services. In Mindat, Mai Nightingale has so far assisted three displaced women to deliver. Two of them, she said, had to keep moving in search of safe shelter in the days leading up to giving birth, causing them physical pain and possibly inducing their labour. Mai Nightingale knows that providing medical services to pregnant women and newborns while lacking facilities or hygienic equipment is exceedingly dangerous for the women and their babies, and that security forces could also target her, but says she feels it is the only option. “Even though soldiers could arrest both the patients and me, I will continue helping people who need medical assistance,” she told Al Jazeera. “There is no one else who can help them.” Pregnant women in Kayah State, where an estimated 100,000 people have been displaced since early June, also face a perilous situation. On June 8, the UN special rapporteur for Myanmar warned of “mass deaths from starvation, disease and exposure” in Kayah due to military attacks and the blockage of food, water and medicine to those who fled to the forest. Smile, a 24-year-old nurse, escaped her village in Loikaw township on June 11 with her cousin, who was in the throes of labour contractions while she fled. “Artillery fell near the rock where we were hiding. That day was [my cousin’s] due date but she couldn’t deliver … we had to escape to safety,” said Smile. “She had to carry heavy things while we were running.” Recalling advice from her mother, also a nurse, Smile had grabbed a delivery kit with rubber gloves, forceps and scissors as she fled the village. “My mother told me that medical workers cannot stop even if the world is in chaos,” she said. She and her mother rubbed down the equipment with spirits while her cousin’s husband built a bamboo and tarpaulin tent, under which they delivered her cousin’s baby. “My mother placed her hand on my cousin and prayed. By the grace of God, she successfully gave birth without [heavy] bleeding,” said Smile. But tragedy has befallen some displaced mothers. Little time to grieve In Loikaw township, Khu Meh delivered twins at a local clinic on April 8. One was born dead; Khu Meh fled home with the other, a girl, in mid-May. “We travelled very far and moved from place to place, sometimes sleeping in the bushes,” she said. About three weeks later, the second twin died in the jungle while drinking milk at Khu Meh’s breast. Some 40km (25 miles) north, in Shan State’s Pekon township, Mary fled her home in the last week of May, when she was more than seven months pregnant. “The military was firing every night … we were very scared to sleep at home,” she said. She sheltered in a church, but after it was shelled on June 6, she fled again, to a cornfield where she delivered her fifth child, a baby boy, under a bamboo and tarpaulin shelter with the help of a local midwife. The next week brought endless rain, and Mary’s baby died suddenly. There was little time to grieve. Mary and her remaining children had to flee again a week later due to approaching soldiers. Although Myanmar saw a fall in maternal mortality rates and under-five mortality between 2000 and 2017, according to UNICEF, it remained one of the riskiest places for new mothers and infants in Southeast Asia even before the coup. Maternal mortality was 250 deaths per 100,000 live births in 2017, while under-five mortality was 48 children per 100,000 live births. Al Jazeera was unable to locate data on maternal and infant mortality among displaced populations in Myanmar since the coup. Naw Winnie, a nurse from Demoso township, Kayah State who was herself displaced by fighting, is now volunteering with a local aid group in the mountainous area where she fled. She told Al Jazeera that illness among young children is common. She has treated dozens of skin infections and cases of diarrhoea, and fears that health problems will only increase because of poor hygiene caused by factors including the scarcity of clean water and the lack of toilets. The rainy season started in June, making sanitation more difficult and increasing the risk of catching a cold, flu, or mosquito-borne illnesses. Naw Winnie is also looking after more than 10 pregnant women. She had initially planned to send them to a temporary clinic near the foothills of the mountain, but the clinic’s volunteers and patients were forced to evacuate amid heavy fighting on June 16. Now she is not sure what she will do. One of the women, now more than five months pregnant, previously gave birth by Caesarean section, and Naw Winnie is concerned the woman could haemorrhage if she delivers vaginally, but it is simply too risky to perform a Caesarean section in the jungle. “We don’t have access to safe and hygienic facilities or equipment to deliver babies,” she said. “If I assist in delivering a baby without hygienic facilities, it will put both mothers and babies in danger.”..."
Source/publisher: "Al Jazeera" (Qatar)
2021-07-21
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Ma Theint Sandi Soe, a student who was detained instead of her father who is on the regime’s wanted list in Mogoke, is said to be in deteriorating health while her family is denied visits. The third-year law student was detained with her mother, Daw Kyi Kyi Khaing, and younger sister, Su Htet Wyne, on June 13 after the security forces failed to find her father, Ko Soe Htay, a leader of anti-regime protests in the Mandalay Region town. A warrant was issued for Ko Soe Htay on an incitement charge for organizing protests. He and his two sons were not at home as they had gone into hiding. Ko Soe Htay said Ma Theint Sandi Soe has rheumatoid arthritis and thus has sensitivity to cold temperatures and needs regular medical care and medicines. “I heard she was handcuffed and forced to kneel on a concrete floor for hours during interrogation,” he said. “I don’t know the details but heard that my daughter’s health condition is becoming life-threatening.” The three were not allowed to take anything with them into custody and her relatives have not been allowed to send food, clothes and medicines. “As a father, I am worried for my daughter. But several families are suffering like us and some have suffered more. To end all of this suffering, we must topple this dictatorship,” Ko Soe Htay told The Irrawaddy. The regime is increasingly detaining the relatives and friends of those in hiding. Ko Soe Htay’s wife and daughters are among around 100 people who have been detained after the security forces failed to find their target. Protesters, student union members, National League for Democracy members, journalists and striking civil servants all face arrest warrants, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Even babies have not been spared. Ko Soe Htay’s youngest daughter, Su Htet Wyne, had her fifth birthday in custody and was released on June 30, when the regime freed around 2,000 detainees. Ko Soe Htay said his daughter is traumatized by her arrest. They moved into a new hiding place the next day to avoid the junta forces. “She told me she was hungry in custody and had to bathe in toilet water. And she hates those who ordered them to sit in the prison position,” he said. Since the Feb. 1 coup, at least 890 civilians have been killed by the regime’s forces and more than 6,400 people have been detained, according to the AAPP..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2021-07-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "United Nations Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict, Pramila Patten, strongly condemns the Myanmar military’s widespread and systematic attacks against civilians, especially women and children, as well as other serious violations of human rights since it seized power on 1 February 2021. Night raids, arbitrary arrests, sieges of townships and neighborhoods, torture and deaths in detention, attacks on locations and sites where civilians are gathered or have fled, and reports of sexual violence in detention sites, particularly sexual assault, torture, physical and verbal abuse and intimidation, have become an alarming feature of daily life. These alleged reports of sexual violence may amount to violations of international criminal law for those who commit, command, or condone them. The patterns of sexual violence perpetrated by the Tatmadaw against women from ethnic and religious minority groups, as well as against individuals on the basis of their sexual orientation and gender identity, as documented by the UN Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, is extremely concerning. These patterns of sexual violence have also been documented in successive reports of the Secretary-General on conflict-related sexual violence to the UN Security Council since 2011. In 2017, the UN Secretary-General listed the Tatmadaw as a party “credibly suspected of committing or being responsible for patterns of rape or other forms of sexual violence in armed conflict on the agenda of the Security Council” and, with its integrated Border Guard, remains listed to this day. Special Representative Patten urges the Tatmadaw to cease all acts of sexual violence with immediate effect, which it is required to do following its listing in 2017 and pursuant to UN Security Council resolution 2106 (2013). Relatedly, an arms embargo is also a critical step towards ensuring the cessation of sexual violence. Special Representative Patten recalls that in December 2018, a Joint Communiqué to address and prevent sexual violence in conflict was signed between the then Government of Myanmar and the United Nations. Myanmar is also a signatory to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which entails a positive obligation to prevent, investigate, prosecute, punish and provide reparations for acts of gender-based violence. “The emerging reports of sexual violence in detention settings are very disturbing. I call for an end to all forms of violence against women, as well as unimpeded access to independently investigate the alleged reports.” Special Representative Patten said. At a time when Myanmar faces a continued threat from the spread of COVID-19, and access to public health services has been severely impacted by the political crisis, some public health facilities have also suspended their operations due to serious concerns related to attacks on, and the occupation and looting of health facilities and hospitals. “The current crisis is disrupting essential health and social services, including safe pregnancy and childbirth. In the midst of this civilian suffering, and the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, it is essential that appropriate multi-sectoral services are available to all civilians including non-discriminatory care for survivors of sexual violence, and unimpeded access for humanitarian actors to provide essential lifesaving services,” SRSG Patten added. “I recognize and commend women’s rights organizations who are on the frontlines providing services and support at a time of heightened individual and collective security risks. The dignity and safety of survivors is paramount including access to timely medical care, as reinforced by Security Council Resolution 2467 (2019). My Office stands ready to support the UN Secretary-General’s renewed call to respect the will of the people and act in the greater interest of peace and stability in the country.”..."
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Source/publisher: Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict
2021-05-25
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Today, on the International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict, the Women’s League of Burma (WLB) urges the general public to join our campaign against military impunity. WLB is committed to ending a nationwide pattern of sexual violence in conflict and to holding military junta accountable for sexual violence in conflict. For over seven decades, the Burmese military has waged war in the ethnic states of Burma/Myanmar. Their use of systematic and widespread violence includes using rape as a weapon of war. WLB has consistently condemned this crime and has advocated for effective action against the Burmese military through international justice and accountability mechanisms. Since the Burmese military forcibly seized power on Feb 1, 2021, they have cracked down on the peaceful movement by arresting, detaining, torturing innocent civilians, and even killing protesters. In addition, there is strong evidence claiming that the Burmese military has been intentionally committing sexual war crimes in ethnic war-torn areas for many years. The current junta security forces are committing widespread acts of sexual violence against detained women. Therefore, on the occasion o f the International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict, we, the Women’s League of Burma, call for the following: - Immediately send international missions, including the United Nations, to monitor and intervene to end arbitrary arrests, torture, killing and Sexual violence by the Burmese military, including the current state administration council. - Refer the State Administration Council officials to the International Criminal Court (ICC) or similar international tribunal to bring justice for survivors and to end sexual violence in conflict and the killing and arrest of peaceful protesters. The military must be held accountable for their atrocity crimes..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
2021-06-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Today is International Day for Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict. The term “conflict-related sexual violence” refers to rape, sexual slavery, forced prostitution, forced pregnancy, forced abortion, enforced sterilization, forced marriage and any other form of sexual violence of comparable gravity perpetrated against women, men, girls or boys that is directly or indirectly linked to a conflict. The term also encompasses trafficking in persons when committed in situations of conflict for the purpose of sexual violence or exploitation. Sexual violence is often used deliberately as a weapon in armed conflicts; this holds true for the conflict in Myanmar. In the decades-long conflict with the Karen National Union, the Tatmadaw has allowed its soldiers to commit sexual violence on civilians with impunity. Between January 2012 and November 2018, KHRG received 52 reports covering 27 cases of sexual violence, including seven cases in 2018 alone.1 KHRG still receives reports of sexual violence cases as recent as 2019.2 Since the military coup on February 1, women and girls throughout the country are even more vulnerable to sexual violence. Women and girls have been subjected to sexual violence and other forms of gendered harassment while being held in detention facilities. In particular, sexual violence has been used by security forces, including members of the military, police and prison guard, when interrogating women and girls.3 The practice of impunity by the Tatmadaw is what has allowed such widespread sexual violence to occur. Perpetrators are rarely, if ever, held accountable for their crimes which encourages further violations in the future. Most victims of conflict-related sexual violence still have not received justice and, in many cases, have not even had the chance to report on, or speak about what happened to them. Sexual violence survivors should be given the opportunity to speak out, to receive remedy which includes physical and mental health support, and the means to reintegrate into society without any prejudice or discrimination. KHRG urges ethnic organizations to help the survivors receive the kind of support listed above. The international community, including organizations with a mandate to investigate and/or to prosecute international crimes, must ensure that perpetrators in the past, present and future, are held accountable for their crimes without any excuses. States must also place pressure on the Tatmadaw to stop the perpetration of sexual violence and ensure accountability within their ranks. Failing to address and investigate abuses will only prove that the military and other security forces can continue to commit sexual violence with impunity..."
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Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
2021-06-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 95.14 KB
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Topic: Women's Rights
Sub-title: Few Toilets, No Menstrual Hygiene Supplies
Topic: Women's Rights
Description: "When “Mi Mi” (a pseudonym) prepared for anti-coup demonstrations in Yangon in late February, she carefully chose to wear a pair of jeans and sneakers so she could run from the abusive security forces. The last thing on her mind was to carry menstrual pads in case she was detained. Myanmar’s police and military had begun to intensify crackdowns on protesters opposing the military’s February 1 power grab. As the security forces threw teargas onto the street and shot rubber bullets, she became disoriented, then trapped. Seven male police officers beat and kicked her when she fell on the ground. “Once I was down, one of them kept me down while the others kicked me with their boots,” Mi Mi said. “Then they hauled me over to a police truck…One of them held my head back and another guy punched me very hard in the face.” Mi Mi, 23, said the stress of the physical attack and arrest brought her menstrual period on early. Authorities eventually took her to Insein prison, the main detention facility, where she was held with more than 500 other women in facilities normally used for men. The women there had access to only two toilets with no water and no doors. Female prison guards repeatedly denied Mi Mi’s requests for sanitary pads until she bled heavily through her jeans. Finally, after 48 hours, they eventually gave her just one pad. Mi Mi said the experience was humiliating and left her with trauma causing nightmares even after her release. She said the stigma in Myanmar about menstruation and degrading treatment of women made it difficult for her to speak more openly. Female detainees have reported the “dehumanizing” experience of Myanmar prisons, explaining that they suffered during menstruation because prisons do not provide sanitary napkins. Since the coup, women have also reported sexual violence and other forms of gendered harassment and humiliation from police and military officials. The lack of adequate toilets with running water and privacy, and insufficient menstrual hygiene supplies can constitute degrading treatment in violation of international human rights law. The Myanmar authorities should respect the right of women and girls to manage menstruation with dignity..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
2021-06-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: It is women—teachers, factory workers, nurses, lawyers—who are again guiding people out of the darkness of military rule, Esther Wah writes
Description: "Women across Myanmar have long taken leading roles protecting their villages, land, and forests. We continue to be marginalised, perceived as weak or incapable, but it is women who for generations have courageously led communities through periods of adversity. The military coup on February 1 crushed the hopes and futures of people throughout the country, and we began a descent back into the nightmare of complete army control. It is hard to find the words to describe the pain we continue to suffer under the military’s domination. But yet again we see women—teachers, garment factory workers, nurses, lawyers—leading the grassroots movement against the junta, standing at the forefront of demonstrations, organising communities, providing support and care for villages and neighbourhoods. It is women who are again guiding people out of the darkness. We have no choice. We know that authoritarian military patriarchal rule has grave implications for women throughout the country; the tyranny that the military imposes upon women’s bodies is unbearable. Rape and sexual assault have long been weaponised by Myanmar’s armed forces against populations in every ethnic state in the country. We have seen this pattern repeated since the coup, now in towns and cities where no one is safe travelling, sleeping or passing through checkpoints. Every act of daily life poses new dangers. This is why we must stand up, we must fight, and we must win. In their April briefing paper, the Women’s League of Burma reported that more than 800 women had been detained and more than 40 killed since the coup. From those who have been detained there have been reports of torture and grievous sexual violence by the regime’s troops. Airstrikes and artillery shellings in Kachin, Karen and Kayah states have collectively displaced well over 100,000 people. Among them are pregnant women, children, and the elderly, languishing in squalid camps, hiding the jungle like animals, or, in the case of Karen State, stuck on the banks of the Salween River, unable to cross the border to Thailand. “There is no more peace and security for women,” one human rights defender from Kachin State told me recently. She noted that the discrimination and gender-based violence of the past had worsened in the years prior to the coup, and that shootings and sexual assault perpetrated against women were common due to the civil war and Myanmar military occupation of Kachin lands. Since the coup, this “culture of male violence,” as she described it, has intensified. “It hurts a lot, and it is completely unacceptable. There is no rule of law, no protection—the law has been abolished by the military. The situation is hopeless,” she said. Even as the any guarantee for our safety deteriorates, women continue to be at the forefront of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), which aims to unseat the junta. Its main tool of resistance is a general strike, where people from across all sectors have refused to return to work until democracy is restored. Much of the CDM campaign has been led by women-dominated industries, as workers sacrifice their wages and their physical safety for the future of the country. Participation in the CDM comes with the risk of arrest, torture and murder by the junta. It started early: in mid-February, two female teachers who had joined the CDM were beaten and arrested in the Kachin State capital of Myitkyina. Even after the military forced schools to open on June 1, more than half of the country’s 400,000 teachers have refused to work while the junta is in power. Most of those on strike are believed to be women. Teachers in the CDM have been temporarily or permanently suspended from their jobs, and more than 100 are facing criminal charges by the regime. Many no longer dare to live in cities and towns and have fled to rural areas, with some even hiding in the jungle. One ethnic Karen teacher on strike in Tanintharyi told me she was not going back to work because she does not want to “live as a slave under the military dictatorship.” “I do not want to be involved in any administrative machinery that will prolong the new military dictatorship. I do not want to pass on this slave education system to the new generation,” she explained as to why she continues her strike. She is one of many women throughout the civil service who is sacrificing her own safety and livelihood for the benefit of future generations. Women have also been integral in leading protests against the military, using the power of their own womanhood to destroy the army’s control. The htamein campaign—in which women’s sarongs were used as flags or strung up above roads in urban areas—showed how women’s clothing instilled fear among soldiers, who feared they would lose their masculine power if they passed underneath the clothes. Images of Kachin nun Sister Rose Nu Tawng have been seen around the world, a symbol of compassion and courage. In the midst of a protest crackdown in Myitkyina in March, she was photographed on her knees with her arms outstretched, begging members of the junta’s armed forces to “shoot and kill [her]” instead of children. While the police paused the violence momentarily, they continued shooting at demonstrators only moments after the iconic photos were taken. In ethnic areas, women have long taken leadership positions through periods of war and hardship. In Karen State, for example, there are many villages where it is women who serve as village heads. Because of the civil war and ongoing military oppression, men have been worried that they would face torture or murder if they took on the role of village head, leaving women to do the job instead. Women throughout the region have had to protect their communities from violent attacks and negotiate with the military when they came to their villages. Being on the frontlines is not new for us. These leadership positions continued through periods of temporary ceasefire, as women in ethnic areas addressed ongoing persecution and led efforts to recover lands and forests that were confiscated by the military. Women-led organisations across the ethnic states have also played central roles in civil society movements, creating new platforms and spaces for women throughout the country to be heard. Despite the prominent roles of women within emergent civic spaces, there had been little space for women to participate in official roles within government or the peace process prior to the coup. In the newly formed anti-coup National Unity Government, women make up around one-third of cabinet positions, a presence we have not seen in previous national administrations. While Myanmar is a deeply conflicted society divided by ethnicity, gender, class, and generational differences, we see that the military’s power grab has united us: today we stand together against patriarchal and racist military control. Ethnic groups from the Karen to the Kachin to the Rohingya to the Burmese, from older generations to Gen Z, from women to men, from factory workers to doctors—we all stand against military oppression. This revolution is for all of us, and in a new Myanmar, women, ethnic minorities, youth and the working class will take a leading role in shaping it. There is no going back, only forwards. This revolution is ours, and we will defeat our common enemy. Esther Wah is an indigenous Karen woman. She works with ethnic communities across Myanmar on their right to protect the land and forests..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2021-06-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The world will have noted that women have been on the front lines of the revolution in Myanmar, with activists, elected officials, and journalists such as Ei Thinzar Maung, Thinzar Shunlei Yi, Wai Hnin Pwint Thon, Daw Myo Aye, Naw K’nyaw Paw, and Tin Htet Paing playing significant roles. Many have assumed that this is a newfound feminist ferocity, but from ancient Queen Pwa Saw, to the first woman surgeon Daw Saw Sa, who qualified in 1911, Myanmar women have always been as strong as, if not stronger than, our men. The sad truth is our cause was set back by over 60 years of brutal and misogynistic oppression by the Burmese military. I spent last Tuesday reviewing evidence from a Myanmar women’s group for submission to the U.K. Foreign Affairs Committee’s inquiry into the Myanmar crisis. Just reading about the atrocities committed by military forces meant I slept badly that night. Nearly 50 women have been killed in the protests so far, and around 800 women have been arrested. Sixty percent of the people involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement, a peaceful protest designed to shut down the country, are women, and they continue to face sexual violence, harassment, abuse, and threats from the junta. Many, including beloved film stars such as Paing Phyo Thu and May Toe Khine, have been charged under Section 505A of Myanmar Penal Code—a disproportionately punitive piece of legislation, and a hangover from colonial times that basically criminalizes freedom of speech. In prison, military forces have subjected women detainees to more violence, humiliation, and even torture. A huge part of this is a horrific reflection of the misogyny—cloaked in patriarchy—that the military holds dear, having beaten it into the hearts and minds of the people of Myanmar. The military declares itself the father of the nation, but one that deems its female children as lesser human beings. Before Myanmar, then called Burma, first fell to military dictatorship in 1962, its women enjoyed an unusual measure of freedom and power. In 1919, the first women’s association Konmari Athin, was formed; in 1932, Daw Hnin Mya was elected as the country’s first woman councillor; and in 1952, Claribel Ba Maung Chain became the first woman government minister. Burmese women kept their maiden names and property, they handled financial affairs, and voting rights were granted to them in 1922, only 4 years after women in the U.K. got the vote. Melford Spiro, the famous anthropologist, wrote: “Burmese women are not only among the freest in Asia, but until the relatively recent emancipation of women in the West, they enjoyed much greater freedom and equality with men than did Western women.” Many successful businesses were owned by women, including the Naga Cigar Company founded by my great-aunt Naga Daw Oo and the Burmese Paper Mart, founded by my grandmother Daw Tin Tin, who was also a senior member of Upper Burma’s Chamber of Commerce. Another great-aunt was the famous dissident and writer Ludu Daw Amar, who founded the newspaper Ludu Daily. Shortly after the coup in 1962, all of their businesses, along with those of countless other women, were either shut down or requisitioned by the Myanmar military who were adamant that women should no longer have such power and influence. The women’s liberation movement in the country was far from perfect. Even some of our most progressive women, such as author Daw MiMi Khaing, still saw men as spiritually superior, thanks to outdated religious views. But the movement was on the right track until it was derailed by the dictatorship. It then entered what writer Kyaw Zwa Moe referred to as a “feminine ‘dark age’”—an era in which the military and its hardline clerical supporters reinforced dogma for their own regressive agenda. For example, every Burmese man is deemed to have hpone or glory. An ancient fable relates that men will lose their hpone if they walk under or come into contact with women’s sarongs (known as htamein) or undergarments; according to the military, this was because women are inferior or unclean. This is, however, a subversion of the original superstition which was that women are sexual temptresses; when I had my first period, I was told that I could no longer climb pagodas in case I toppled them with the might of my vagina, and that only men could ever be innocent enough to ascend to the highest plane of nirvana. This concept was just as sexist, but it at least recognized that women were powerful rather than pathetic. Shortly after the February coup, Myanmar women gladly took advantage of these attitudes to use htamein as barricades against the military. Even the junta knew that it was being ridiculous: If you need any further evidence that the Myanmar military does not really believe that htamein are unclean, its members have been known to wear them at special events because their astrologers once told them that only a woman would rule Myanmar. The idea of a woman being in charge was so loathsome to the military that when it came to pass, in the person of Aung San Suu Kyi, the generals banned people from saying her name or displaying her picture. During decades of its rule, the military not only sidelined women in terms of financial, cultural, and political power, even worse, they also brutalized them in war—especially women from minority groups like the Rakhine, Shan, Rohingya and Kachin—using campaigns of rape and other forms of violence and terror. It should come as no surprise that women fight alongside men in the ethnic armed organizations, whereas the Myanmar military has no women in its combatant ranks. But the flames of female resistance never really died down in Myanmar, despite the military’s worst efforts. In 2007, there were notable women activists in Myanmar’s Saffron Revolution, including Nilar Thein, Phyu Phyu Thin, Mie Mie, Su Su Nway and Naw Ohn Hla. At the time, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners estimated that since the 1988 Uprising, which also saw many women take a prominent role, more than 500 Myanmar women had served prison terms because of their political activism. In 2015, Phyoe Phyoe Aung, general secretary of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions, was one of the student leaders whose protest against the National Education Bill was violently suppressed by military police in Letpadan. This time around, women activists such as Thinzar Shunlei Yi and Ester Ze Naw are again at the forefront, women lawyers such as Zar Li have been working day and night to ensure the release of detainees, and women journalists such as Naw Betty Han and Nyein Lay are risking arrest and injury to report on developments in Myanmar. Even the first death of a protester was that of a 19-year-old female, named Mya Thwe Thwe Khine. Since Feb. 1, hundreds of thousands of other women have exchanged their work tools for daily protest marches. Medical workers, teachers, and garment workers are on strike and are all from sectors dominated by women. Tin Tin Wei and Moe Sandar Myint are, respectively, an organizer and the chairwoman of Myanmar’s Federation of Garment Workers, and have spoken out against the coup so vociferously that the latter has gone into hiding for her own safety. The most promising sign of a much-needed return to gender equality in Myanmar is that the National Unity Government, made up of ousted lawmakers in hiding, has appointed several women ministers, including human rights advocate and former political prisoner Zin Mar Aung as minister for foreign affairs and Ei Thinzar Maung as deputy minister of women, youth and children’s affairs—the latter appointment being groundbreaking in more ways than one, as she is the youngest minister ever at the age of 26. After decades of misogynistic and violent oppression by Myanmar’s military and its cronies, it finally looks like the women of Myanmar might be taking back everything that we lost and more. The Women’s League of Burma is an umbrella organization of 13 women’s groups, such as the Shan Women’s Action Network, who are working together to enhance the role of women of all backgrounds and ethnicities at a national and international level. A global, growing feminist movement called #Sisters2Sisters has even been set up, through which more than 80 civil society organizations are demanding an end to the violence against women in Myanmar and the immediate release of women human rights defenders..."
Source/publisher: Time Magazine (New York)
2021-05-31
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အမျိုးသမီး၊ လူငယ်နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်ရေးရာ ဝန်ကြီးဌာန ထုတ်ပြန်ကြေညာချက်အမှတ်(၂/၂၀၂၁) ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ်၊ မေလ (၁၅) ရက် ၁။ ယနေ့နံနက်မှစ၍အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ မြေပြင်နှင့်ဝေဟင် တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကြောင့် မင်းတပ်မြို့သည် စစ်မြေပြင်ကဲ့သို့ ဖြစ်ပွားလျက်ရှိပြီး စစ်ကောင်စီအနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတကာဥပဒေများကို ချိုးဖောက်ကာ ဖမ်းဆီးခံရသည့် ပြည်သူလူထုအား လူသားဒိုင်းအဖြစ်အသုံးပြု၍ ပြင်းထန်စွာ ထိုးစစ်ဆင်နေကြောင်း သိရသည်။ ၂။ မင်းတပ်မြို့ရှိ တိုက်ပွဲများကြားတွင် ပိတ်မိနေသော အရွယ်မရောက်သေးသည့် ကလေးသူငယ်များ၊ အမျိုးသမီးများနှင့် သက်ကြီးရွယ်အိုများ အတွက် အထူးစိုးရိမ်မိပါသည်။ ၃။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် ဖမ်းဆီးခံအမျိုးသမီးများကို လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက် ကျူးလွန်မှုများ ရှိနေကြောင်းလည်း သက်သေအချက်အလက်များဖြင့် တိုင်ကြားမှုများ ရှိနေပါသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီ အနေဖြင့် နိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် အာဆီယံ၏ တောင်းဆိုချက်များအပေါ် လိုက်နာရန်၊ မင်းတပ်မြို့ရှိ ပြည်သူလူထုအား ဝေဟင်စစ်ကြောင်း၊ မြေပြင်စစ်ကြောင်းများဖြင့် အင်အား အလွန်အကျွံသုံးပြီး တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကိုရပ်တန့်ရန်၊ ဒေသခံလူထုများအပေါ် ဓားစာခံအဖြစ် အသုံးချခြင်း၊ လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာအကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ ကျုးလွန်နေခြင်းတို့ကို ချက်ချင်းရပ်တန့်ရန် ထုတ်ပြန်လိုက်သည်။ ၄။ ဝန်ကြီးဌာနအနေဖြင့် မင်းတပ်မြို့ရှိ ပြည်သူများ တရားမျှတမှုရရှိစေရန်အတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာ စစ်ခုံရုံးများတွင် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ကျူးလွန်မှုများကို တိုင်ကြားသွားမည် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် မင်းတပ်မြို့လူထုအတွက် လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက် ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ အရေးပေါ်အကူအညီများ အလျင်အမြန် ရရှိနိုင်ရန်လည်း ကူညီသွားမည်ဖြစ်ကြောင်း ထုတ်ပြန်လိုက်သည်။ အမျိုးသမီး၊ လူငယ်နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်ရေးရာဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Women, Youths and Children Affairs
2021-05-15
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Ousted Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi is expected to attend her next court hearing in person, her chief lawyer said on Monday, after weeks of stalled virtual proceedings over charges her supporters say are fabricated. Since her arrest hours before a Feb. 1 military coup, Suu Kyi has been held at her residence in Naypyitaw and faces numerous, mostly minor charges filed in two courts, the most serious under a colonial-era official secrets act, punishable by 14 years in prison. "The presiding judge declared that by the instruction of the Union Supreme Court, the cases were to be heard in person, not virtually by video conferencing," her legal team head, Khin Maung Zaw, said in a text message, referring to Monday's hearing. He said the judge "told us that the problem will eventually be solved", and that Suu Kyi asked what the judge meant by "eventually". Suu Kyi, 75, has been permitted to speak with lawyers only via a video link in the presence of security personnel. Her co-defendant is Win Myint, the ousted president. Her lawyers have said they have discussed with Suu Kyi only her legal case and do not know the extent to which she is aware of the crisis in her country. Khin Maung Zaw said his team was seeking access to Suu Kyi before the next hearing on May 24, without interference of others. He said he reminded the judge "that it is the undeniable right of the defendants to meet and give instructions to the defence counsel in a private meeting"...."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
2021-05-10
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Since the Burmese military staged a coup d’état on February 1, 2021, people from all different sectors, ages, and backgrounds have actively participated in anti-coup demonstrations in various ways. In response, the military and security forces have brutally cracked down on peaceful protesters, who have suffered arrests and other inhumane abuses. Despite the oppression and brutal crackdowns, people have not stopped taking to the streets and making their voices heard. Defying the risks, women have stood on the frontlines holding bulletproof shields. Some have been arrested, brutally harassed, and even killed. Their memory and stories must not be forgotten, and must serve as lessons for the next generation. For this reason, Honest Information (HI), a women’s media platform, is creating this record of women’s participation in the 2021 Spring Revolution, for the period of February 1 to March 31, 2021. Our hope is for this to become a memorial document for the women’s movement after the revolution is over.....Women Lead the Demonstrations: On February 6, six days after the coup, large crowds of people staged a mass protest against the military dictatorship in downtown Yangon. The country was awoken to the loud slogan, “End the military coup!” Women have dominated the protests in all sectors, which has made the movement even more powerful. The first labour strikes began with thousands of workers from Hlaing Thar Yar industrial zone in Yangon, most of whom were women. On the same day, the young political activist Ma Ei Thinzar Maung, led a strike starting in Hladen, Yangon.....Creative Demonstrations: Anti-coup demonstrations accelerated throughout February, and people all across the country took part in creative demonstrations against the junta. Women organized and participated in some of the most significant demonstrations, including the hundreds of thousands of protestors representing the union of education and health workers who have taken part in the revolution. Housewives and elderly women have participated by banging pots and pans every night to protest the coup since February 2. On February 10, over one hundred young women marched in the streets wearing colourful ball gowns and wedding dresses; and on February 11, mothers groups marched in Yangon, carrying their babies. After the military released over 23,000 prisoners on February 12, including those convicted of violent crimes, some houses in wards and quarters of Yangon were victim to arson. Local people organized self-security watches of their neighborhoods, and took turns patrolling at nighttime. Women also participated in these security efforts and also acted as watch persons. On February 20, women gathered and performed a symbolic ritual of taking out the roots from bean sprouts. This symbolizes the Burmese people wanting to remove the roots from the military dictatorship. On February 25, protestors all across the country took part in the Thanakha Strike, also known as “The Battle of Thanakha”. Thanakha is a traditional cosmetic face paste, made from ground barks of the Thanakha tree. Women made fresh Thanakha, and used it to paint different messages and shapes on the faces of protestors to send a message of anti-coup resistance. On February 28, an historic demonstration was organized by a women’s group in Kayah, where more than 100,000 women marched against the military dictatorship carrying bras and sanitary pads. They sent the message that women’s lives under the military are not safe, and even sanitary pads are better at protecting women than the military is. On March 15, teachers gathered at Bagan Pagoda to pray and swear (religious belief, saying true words to fulfill desire) for those who have fallen to the military dictatorship. Housewives also took to the streets on March 22 and 25 in South Dagon and Mrauk-U Township, Rakhine, using kitchen materials and vegetables to protest against the military coup..."
Source/publisher: Honest Information
2021-05-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "A few weeks ago, a strange sight began appearing in the streets of Myanmar (Burma). Women have been hanging their traditional htamein – the pieces of cloth they wear as skirts – from ropes tied to windows or utility poles, suspending them above the streets like decoration for a parade. Some attach them to sticks and carry them as flags. These women are not simply putting out the laundry; they are protesting the coup d’état staged by the Burmese military on 1 February. “Men think they have special powers just for being men,” Khin Ohmar, a women’s rights activist in Myanmar, tells Equal Times. “And they believe that walking underneath a piece of women’s clothing will make them lose their special powers.” The htamein are thus used as shields to protect the protest areas and prevent the military from entering. From the very beginning, women have been at the forefront of protests against the coup that deposed Myanmar’s civilian government led by the iconic Aung San Suu Kyi. According to data provided to Radio Free Asia by the local organisation Gender Equality Network, women make up some 60 per cent of the protesters who have taken to the streets and between 70 and 80 per cent of the movement’s leaders. Many are nurses, teachers and textile factory workers, who already found themselves in a vulnerable situation due to Covid-19. Many of the women who have taken to the streets have given their lives to protect Myanmar’s fragile democracy, says Wah Khu Shee. The first was 20-year-old Mya Thwe Thwe Khine, who became a symbol for the movement after her death on 19 February. Then came Ma Kyal Sin, a 19-year-old killed in early March at a protest in Mandalay, in the north of the country, who became another symbol, along with the phrase written on her t-shirt that day: “Everything will be OK.” The military announced its takeover in early February after months of refusing to accept the results of the November 2020 elections, in which Suu Kyi’s party was victorious. Since then, at least 750 people have been killed by security forces and more than 3,696 have been arrested, charged or convicted, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.....Signs of a failed democracy: Last February’s coup d’état is nothing new for the people of Myanmar. The Burmese military first seized power in 1962 and would tightly control the country for nearly five decades. In 1990, after changing the country’s official name to Myanmar in an attempt to gain greater international recognition, the military government allowed for elections to be held. But when Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) opposition party emerged victorious, the junta annulled the election results and increased repression. When the military government once again announced a path towards ‘disciplined democracy’ in 2003, the process was seen as another attempt at improving public relations. A new constitution, which reserved significant power for the military, was adopted in 2008 and in 2010 the first elections took place. The NLD refused to participate in those elections in protest of an electoral framework that prevented Suu Kyi from running. However, new elections in 2015 led to a handover of power to a civilian government controlled by Suu Kyi, a decisive step for many towards democratic transition. But according to Gabrielle Bardall, Research Fellow at the Centre for International Policy Studies, University of Ottawa, and Elin Bjarnegård, Associate Professor in Political Science at the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study, the absence of women throughout this process has been conspicuous. The new constitution, for example, reserves 25 per cent of seats in parliament and several ministerial posts for the Tatmadaw, Myanmar’s armed forces, which only recently opened up to women. Not even Suu Kyi’s presence in key positions of power – though the constitution prohibited her from becoming the country’s president because she was married to a foreigner and had children of another nationality – was not enough to change the country’s political dynamics. “The example of one woman [in power] is not enough. We need women who understand women’s issues and stand up for women’s rights,” says Wah Khu Shee. Suu Kyi, whose whereabouts are currently unknown, has been criticised for not making gender equality one of her priorities. According to Bjarnegård, there has also been little change within the political parties. “I haven’t seen too many big changes or signs that reform has been an important priority for the parties,” she says. As she explains, one of the main problems has been finding women who want to go into politics. “All the women we interviewed needed the full support of their families and husbands to enter politics professionally,” she continues, pointing to the country’s “patriarchal culture” as one of the main impediments. In the November 2020 elections, women won only 15 per cent of seats.....Shifting gender roles: Khin Ohmar still remembers how difficult it was to be a woman in her early years of activism. In 1988, the country rose up against the military junta after a student was killed by the police. Ohmar, also a student at the time, refused to stay home. “I had a very difficult situation with my family because they tried to stop me from taking to the streets,” she says. Ohmar went on to become vice-president of one of the student unions that formed in those years, at a time when women were often relegated to administrative and financial positions. “Some doors opened for women to occupy certain leadership positions, but it was still very patriarchal,” she continues. While in exile over the following decades, Khin Ohmar remained involved in the pro-democracy movement but felt that many still refused to take the issue of gender equality seriously. “They thought we only wanted to talk about women’s issues. But we wanted to talk about politics, about the federal system,” she explains. “That’s why our country is stuck. The roots of this patriarchy run too deep.” But Ohmar has seen a change in gender roles over the course of the current protests. “In 1988, the leaders were men. This time, they’re women. It’s exciting,” she says. According to the 2019 report Feminism in Myanmar, political reforms after 2010 “opened space for the coordination of efforts by women’s organisations inside and outside the country,” in an activism that has “engaged not only with fulfilling the basic needs of communities but also with the policy reform process.” The report further argues that women have improved their capacity for social mobilisation and networking during the years of democratic transition. Bjarnegård has also observed a change in dynamics. “The current protests have shown us that something is changing. We see young people, both men and women. It’s another generation that is in some ways more liberal, that has had access to Facebook and that has been influenced by other countries,” she says. She cites the example of the peace process between the government and some of the principal ethnic guerrillas (2011-2015), in which only four women were present in the delegations sent to negotiations (less than 6 per cent of the total number of representatives, according to Bardall and Bjarnegård’s data). However, she holds onto a small glimmer of hope: “I hope that, this time, we can see [the impact of] the improvements that women have experienced in decision-making [during the democratic period].” She hopes that these changes will prevent women from once again being “relegated to the kitchen” when peace returns. “There have been improvements but it’s still very difficult…we have to wait and see..."
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Source/publisher: "Equal Times"
2021-05-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Ministry Investigates Sexual Violence in Detention: 1. We strongly condemn the serious allegations of sexual and gender-based violence against women and girls in unlawful detention committed by the military-led State Administrative Council and its security forces. We have received many disturbing reports of women being tortured, verbally and sexually assaulted, severely beaten causing serious injuries, including a case of a woman being raped during an interrogation by the security forces. Some detained women have also reportedly been humiliated in public, forced to dance in the streets to entertain the security forces, while others have been groped and manhandled during arrests. One woman miscarried while in detention as a result of mistreatment.....2. These cases are indicative of the wider pattern of sexual and gender-based violence committed by Myanmar’s military that has persisted for years with impunity, particularly against ethnic minority women and girls in armed conflict areas. In 2019, the United Nations Independent International Fact-Finding Mission (IIFFMM) found that the military committed "widespread and systematic" gender-based violence against ethnic communities, employing tactics such as rape, gang rape, sexual slavery and other forced sexual acts against women, girls, boys, men and transgender people. According to the IIFFMM, such violations could amount to crimes against humanity and grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions. The military’s use of rape as a weapon of war to terrorize ethnic communities has been widespread and systematic, particularly in ethnic conflict-affected areas, and has been widely documented by the local ethnic women organizations and the international community.....3. We are deeply troubled that the State Administrative Council appears to have set aside the Joint Communique that was signed by the Government of Myanmar and the United Nations in 2018. This agreement was adopted under the framework of United Nations Security Council resolution 2106 (2013) and requires Myanmar’s military to implement specific time-bound commitments that include the issuance of clear orders through chains of command prohibiting sexual violence and accountability for breaching these orders, as well as timely investigation of alleged abuses.....4. We appeal to the international community to immediately investigate the allegations of widespread sexual and gender-based violence being committed by the military junta so that all perpetrators, regardless of seniority or rank, can be held accountable for their actions. Furthermore, we believe that immediate action is needed to end the ongoing intensification of nationwide attacks against civilians by the military, that includes widespread allegations sexual and gender-based violence. We therefore urge the UN Secretary-General to use his good offices to deter further grave violations from taking place. This could include an official visit to Myanmar by the UN Secretary-General’s Special Envoy on Myanmar, with the goal of stopping the military terror and violence and securing the safety of the people of Myanmar.....5. We are committed to a zero-tolerance policy for crimes of sexual and gender-based violence, in line with Myanmar’s obligations under international humanitarian and human rights law, including UN Security Council resolution 1325 and related resolutions, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. We call on the UN, including the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary- General on Sexual Violence in Conflict, the Special Rapporteur on human rights situation in Myanmar, Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, ASEAN Commission on the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Women and Children, and the international community to work with our Ministry to protect the rights of women, youth and children and stop and prevent further violence. We all have a responsibility to hold the perpetrators of such heinous crimes to account and to address the needs of survivors through a survivor-centered approach, including provision of necessary services such as medical care and psychological support. The ministry will continue investigate these allegations and document the incidents in order to bring justice for all victims. Our Ministry stands with the victims and survivors of sexual and genderbased violence and commits to ending violence against women, youth and children and to ensure justice and accountability....Ministry of Women, Youth and Children's Affairs National Unity Government..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2021-04-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Topic: Gender; generation; social justice; agrarian transformation; environmental transformation; rural politics
Topic: Gender; generation; social justice; agrarian transformation; environmental transformation; rural politics
Description: "ABSTRACT: The changes that have swept rural Myanmar, transforming landscapes and affecting livelihoods, have ignited rural politics and civil society and grassroot organizations’ strategies to counter, resist, negotiate and adapt to these changes. Rural politics have centred on broad calls for agrarian and environmental rights and social justice that do not address women’s rights, gender and generational justice explicitly. Based on fieldwork carried out in Myanmar’s Taninthary region, and engagement with grassroots organizations, I examine how gender and generational power dynamics play out, transform and are transformed in processes of agrarian and environmental change and rural politics.....Introduction: In Myanmar, land and natural resources have been historically the focus of extractivist initiatives that benefited colonial administrations, central states, the military and powerful elites and deprived small farmers, fishers and forest-dependent groups, including ethnic groups, particularly women and girls, of access to natural resources, shelter and livelihoods (Karen Human Rights Group 2006, 2015; Tavoyan Women’s Union 2015; Barbesgaard 2019; see also Kramer forthcoming; Sekine forthcoming, this collection). Starting in 2012 the neoliberal orientation of recent civilian governments, discursively legitimized by agendas for economic growth, sustainable development and climate change mitigation and adaptation, has bolstered this tendency. Since 2011, legal reforms in the areas of land use, land conversion, and investments have facilitated the entrance and operations of international capital and investors in the country. In addition, the 2012 preliminary ceasefire between the Union Government (UG) and several Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) has enabled access of domestic and foreign capital to once secluded areas, including Tanintharyi region in the South, which had long been a hotspot of conflict and ethnic insurgency and had thus remained relatively isolated (Bryant 1994; Malseed 2009; Woods 2015a, 2015b). The surge of extractive and infrastructure development initiatives, combined with conservation plans to restrict access to protected and designated areas, have accelerated the transformation of Myanmar’s rural landscapes and livelihoods. This, in turn, has sparked civil society and grassroots organizations’ strategies and actions to resist, negotiate and adapt to these changes. Members of affected communities, often with support from grassroots and local civil society organizations, have resisted, mobilized and strategized on ways to advance their own counter-visions of development (Park 2019). Coupled with opportunities to engage in ‘contentious politics’ (Tarrow 1994; Tilly 2002, 2004) as noted in the introductory article of this Special Issue, the mobilization from below has expanded the repertoire of ‘contentious performances’ that are being developed dynamically and in conversation with the political, social and economic context (Tilly 2002, 2004). In Myanmar, just like in other countries in the region, women and men, young and old, have taken active part in these political struggles; women, notably, have been at the forefront of protests and diverse forms of activism, often at the cost of their bodily integrity and the breakdown in family relations. Research from other countries confirms that women, including older women, participated in protests often as a strategy to curb violent repression and retaliation by the military and the police, to protect their sons and husbands, and in some cases as activists in their own right (see for example, Brickell 2014; Lamb et al. 2017; Park and Maffii 2017; Tavoyan Women’s Union 2015; Morgan 2017). While these changes affect different people, including their political agency, in ways that are mediated by gender, age, ethnicity and other social and power differences, the urgency and fluidity of the issues on the ground requires cohesion in mobilization and swift action. Partly because of this, rural politics have tended to centre on broad calls for agrarian and environmental rights and social justice that do not address women’s rights, gender equality and generational justice explicitly. Women’s groups have also been often side-lined; whereas youth have been engaged by environmental and ethnic grassroots groups within the frame of well-defined scripts that do not challenge power, gender and age hierarchies. The exclusion of women’s groups and gender equality from agrarian and environmental justice movements, and the reasons underlying it, have been highlighted by many feminist scholars (see for example, Harris 2015; Park 2018; Deere 2003; Stephen 2006; Krishna 2015) who have called for urgent convergence to avoid the risk that movements for social justice could be void of gender and generational justice. Krishna (2015), for example, notes that in India some of the larger movements that have led to state formation have failed to recognize women’s claims for gender justice in spite of their conspicuous participation and even leadership. In the Andes, Harris (2015, 171) highlights the disconnect between feminist and indigenous and other movements and calls for a better articulation of ‘feminist analytics and organizing’, advocating for going beyond women’s engagement towards adoption of a feminist agenda that questions power structures. The fight against patriarchy has also been central to the demands of peasant women in international movements such as La Via Campesina. This article explores the potential of rural politics to be catalytic of change that promotes gender and generational justice and contributes to making the case for the need for not one but multiple convergences – feminist political ecology with feminist political economy, agrarian and environmental movements with feminist movements. Based on fieldwork conducted in Tanintharyi between 2014 and 2018 and engagement with local grassroots organizations, I examine how gender and generational power dynamics play out, transform and are transformed in processes of agrarian and environmental change and rural politics. I look at the conditions that support a (re)negotiation of gender roles and relations and how these could be conducive to gender-transformative rural politics, that is, politics that fosters gender equality and generational justice as a key dimension of social change and social justice (Cornwall 2014)..."
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Source/publisher: The Journal of Peasant Studies via Routledge (London)
2021-01-12
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Some 60 percent of protesters against the military coup are women who fear their hard-won rights hang in the balance.
Description: "Every day at sunrise, Daisy* and her sisters set out to spend several hours in the heat cleaning debris from the previous day’s protests off the streets of Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city. Protests have erupted around the country since the military seized control of the government after arresting democratic leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, on February 1, and declared a year-long state of emergency. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a non-profit rights organisation formed by former political prisoners from Myanmar and based in Thailand, 715 civilian protesters have been killed and more than 3,000 people have been charged, arrested or sentenced to prison for taking part in protests. March 27 marked the deadliest day of the anti-coup protests so far, with more than 100 deaths in a single day. Daisy, a 29-year-old elementary school teacher, has been out of work since the first week of February, because schools have been closed as a result of the protests, but is the sole earner and carer for her two younger sisters, aged 15 and 13. Despite this, she spends a portion of whatever money she has left to help feed hungry protesters. The military makes use of dalans – local people who are forced to spy on their neighbours and, in particular, to target women living alone whose homes are easy targets for looting and harassment. As a result, Daisy and her sisters have been forced to move home three times and are now in hiding with relatives. “The military are preying on vulnerable women, breaking in and raiding where we live to seize our belongings and lock us up for no reason,” Daisy says. But despite having little financial security, Daisy continues to help with the protests. “As women, we are the most at risk under the military but however large or small, our place is in the revolution.”.....Outrageous displays of ‘profanity’: Across Myanmar, women protesters have lined the streets with vibrant traditional women’s clothing and undergarments in the hope of challenging a long-held taboo around women’s clothing. “Htaimein – Burmese for sarongs and intimate women’s wear – are perceived as ‘unclean’ in traditional Buddhist belief and thus considered inferior in Burmese society,” explains 25-year-old Su, an activist and university student who does not wish to give her full name for fear of reprisals. Su is originally from Dadaye, a town in the Ayeyarwady region of southwest Myanmar. “Coming into contact or walking under these is believed to bring bad luck, reducing one’s hpone – masculine superiority – in Buddhist belief.” She says hanging up sarongs has been an effective deterrent to keep the military from attacking the protesters as their staunch beliefs will not allow them go anywhere near the orchestrated clothing lines. Women are also using their sarongs to create flags and hats for men to parade alongside banners that read “our victory, our htaimein” to celebrate wielding a degrading superstition about women as a successful defence strategy. In a similar vein, women have been hanging sanitary towels drenched in red paint to emulate blood over photos of the military general, Min Aung Llaing. “For a society where men, including Min Llaing, detest the idea of menstruation, smearing his face with what he finds the dirtiest is unimaginably humiliating,” Su explains. “Sarongs and sanitary napkins are symbolic of the women in Myanmar and how they are regarded as inferior to men in society.” By weaponising these displays of “profanity”, women say they are reclaiming their status against the same patriarchal attitudes that perceive them as lesser in society.....Civil disobedience as a means of resistance: The Women’s League of Burma, an organisation which seeks to increase women’s participation in public life in Myanmar (which was formerly called Burma), estimates that 60 percent of those protesting are women, while the AAPP says women make up almost 40 percent of those arrested. The Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) has brought the country’s public services, including healthcare, schools and banks, to a halt. It is also behind efforts to deprive the military of its income by boycotting military-owned services and products such as tobacco, alcohol, coffee and oil, and refusing to pay government taxes. Chit*, a 26-year-old doctor-in-training from Yangon, has been part of a group of female medical volunteers tending to the wounded during the protests. She believes providing medical care to protesters is a duty for all doctors. She says she has heard of one female doctor who was shot by the military while trying to aid a patient. “As women, we are expected to stay in ‘safe’ areas of the protests but we know our place is wherever help is needed.” Female lawyers and bankers have formed an informal group to offer legal and financial advice to civilians, especially those trying to flee the country. “We want to offer our services to those in general need of legal routes or financial advice. We know the public have been put in a compromising position given a pandemic then a coup so free verbal consultations, advice, and going through documents with them is an extension of our efforts against the military,” explains Min Thwaw, a private lawyer practising in the capital, Naypyidaw. “Many white-collar workers have lost their jobs and those females workers continue to be threatened by authority figures but the military need us [the workers] more than we need them. Without us, the banking system will collapse soon and economic crisis will remain irreversible – a price we are willing to pay to cripple the military,” she adds. Economic uncertainty caused by the military takeover is likely to have a negative effect on the country’s $6bn garment and footwear industry. As a result, thousands of garment workers, predominantly young women, have taken part in demonstrations, urging the multinational companies they work for to denounce the coup and protect workers from being fired or even killed for protesting. While some Western brands have remained silent over the military takeover in Myanmar, The Benetton Group, H&M, Primark and Bestseller all suspended new orders from factories there until further notice, following pressure from within and outside Myanmar. Despite this, trade unions in Myanmar stress companies are not doing enough and are demanding more “concrete action” like documenting and addressing human rights abuses with their respective governments and committing to partial payments of orders. Many garment workers have left their family homes for the safety of other family members in order to participate in the strikes. They include 27-year-old Jasmine (who did not wish to give her full name) and five of her colleagues. They live together in a 250-square-foot flat in Yangon, surviving on food donations from the wider community as well as community money handouts – funds raised by local and international supporters of the CDM to finance the movement from afar – a portion of which they need to send back to their home villages to support their families as well. These young women march defiantly together in large human chains with arms interlocked. Jasmine says this is an effective tactic adopted by garment workers who are protesting to ensure the police do not separate them from each other. “They yank protesters away to break the chain then abuse those they capture in jail or publicly.” On February 18, about 1,000 garment workers producing clothes for Primark were reportedly locked in GY Sen Apparel Company’s factory for taking part in the protests by supervisors who sympathised with the military. Upon breaking free after several hours, many of them were fired. Jasmine also says that she and her colleagues have been intimidated with verbal abuse by factory owners, who confront the women physically, they say, and who have been trying to fire them for protesting. For now, Jasmine still has her job, although many of her colleagues have been laid off. “These are the challenges we are faced with on top of a coup; borderline starvation and no pay. We need the companies we work for to denounce these heinous acts, recognise what we are going through and protect us,” she says. Since the women live together, they have been easy targets for the military and factory owners. During the day, the workers liaise with activists to gather information about locals collaborating with the military by providing details about people’s whereabouts and public gatherings. This way, they can find out about potential morning break-ins into workers’ homes and abductions by the military and police carrying out military orders. As the evening sets in, workers quietly gather in one house to make plans for the next day’s protests. The military blacks out the internet every night from 1am to 9am and has banned all social media to stop protesters from informing each other about arrests or possible military targets. It is meticulously tracking telecommunications. It also imposes a strict overnight curfew and deploys soldiers with orders to shoot on sight anyone who breaks it. Jasmine and her friends have heard frightening rumours about people being shot or abducted if they are found to be breaking curfew. The women, therefore, move carefully on foot from one house to another in the dead of night to relay crucial information regarding potential break-ins, abductions and to make plans for protests. “We cannot afford to risk brushing off anything heard through the grapevine as hearsay. Nobody is here to protect us but ourselves,” says Jasmine.....The LGBTQ community: The LGBTQ community has also participated in the protests, marching with rainbow flags. “We know they despise our identity so we offer them the highest form of indignation, standing united and proud in the skin we feel most comfortable [in],” says 30-year-old trans woman Diamond. Diamond believes that the LGBTQ protests have encouraged more people to come out as gay or trans. “People come up to join marches then disclose this is their first time being publicly trans or gay because it is an opportune time to be true to who they always have been.” However, the LBGTQ protest efforts were cut short at the start of March when the military began a crackdown on the community by raiding homes and detaining members. Out of fear of surveillance and arrests, Diamond and several of her friends from the transgender community have either fled the country or gone into hiding. “As a trans woman, I want the future generation of Myanmar to know the LGBTQ community risked everything and stood valiant against the military,” she says.....Sexual violence as a military tactic: Protests against a male-dominated military that has no women at all in its senior ranks and very few (0.2 percent) in the rank and file, have come at a great cost to women. Activists say that military and police have manhandled, groped and sexually harassed female protesters. “If you’re leading a large crowd, they will try to grope your breasts from behind to physically remove you or, at the very least, will try to unbutton your blouse with their baton,” says Daisy. “Women who have gone into custody have been subjected to unnecessarily prolonged strip and search, as well as groping.” Sexual violence is nothing new in military operations in Myanmar. It has been used to crack down on the Rohingya Muslim population since 2017. Instances of gang rapes by soldiers, forced public nudity and humiliation, and sexual slavery in military captivity have been reported by the Rohingya population, according to investigations by the UN. With violence against protesters escalating – and no sign of the protests stopping – Daisy says she fears the military will use mass rape tactics “as a last resort tool any moment now”.Nandar, a 26-year-old feminist activist from Shan State, claims Myanmar is culturally a deeply patriarchal society where the military sees itself as the “father” of the nation, assuming the “dominant and masculine role”. “By nature of a patriarchal system, social hierarchies are formed through hyper-masculinity and deeply conservative views that consider women subservient,” she says. The lack of women in the senior military ranks, she says, indicates the absence of women’s voices in the political sphere and further marginalises them, reinforcing stereotypes and transferring a woman’s importance in the political space to passive social roles instead. Nandar, who does not wish to give her full name for fear of reprisals, says: “The progress feminism made [under democracy] allowed women to see the value of their participation in every sector, moving the country forward. But under a misogynistic military which renders women entirely invisible, we will enter a dark future. Democracy took us one step forward but returning to dictatorship is taking us five steps back.” Despite all the odds, women have used their momentum to vocalise their opposition to patriarchal control and the lack of democratic freedom in the country. They have been the backbone of the protests and are promising not to back down..."
Source/publisher: "Al Jazeera" (Qatar)
2021-04-25
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The first meeting of the Ministry of Women, Youth and Children’s Affairs under the National Unity Government was held on 18 April 2021. The meeting discussed the current needs and various issues concerning women, youth and children and decided to endorse policies to proceed enforcing them immediately. Discussion Summary • The predicament of women, youth and children of the minorities including the Rohingyas whom the military committed ethnic cleansing missions against, • The commitment to take action against the military for its human rights violation upon the women, youth and children during the coup resistance and transformation of power, • The commitment to stop the abovementioned violation of human rights, • To provide the best possible assistance to women, youth and children affected by the civil war, • The needs for the youth who are protesting, • To initiate rehabilitation programs in education, health including mental support for women, youth and children who have suffered from the SAC’s brutal actions. The meeting decided to strategize on the issues and cases that were discussed from one month to six month. The Ministry of Women, Youth and Children’s Affairs will take consideration of the voice of the people and make amendments according to the people’s concerns and needs....အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရအဖွဲ့၏ ဝန်ကြီးဌာနတစ်ခုဖြစ်သော အမျိုးသမီး၊လူငယ်နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်ရေးရာဝန်ကြီးဌာန၏ ပထမအကြိမ်အစည်းအဝေးကို ဧပြီလ ၁၈ရက်နေ့တွင် ကျင်းပပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည်။ အဆိုပါအစည်းအဝေးတွင် အမျိုးသမီး၊ လူငယ်နှင့်ကလေးသူငယ်များ၏ လတ်တလောလိုအပ်ချက်များ၊ ၄င်းတို့ရင်ဆိုင်ကြုံတွေ့နေရသော ပြဿနာများအား တင်ပြဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ကြပြီး အခြေခံမူဝါဒများချမှတ်ကာ အမြန်ဆုံး အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက် နိုင်ရန် လုပ်ငန်းစဥ်များချမှတ်ခဲ့ကြပါသည်။ ဆွေးနွေးတင်ပြချက်များအရ စစ်အာဏာရှင်ဖိနှိပ်မှုအောက်တွင် လူမျိုးတုန်းသတ်ဖြတ်မှုများကို ခံစားခဲ့ရသော ရိုဟင်ဂျာလူနည်းစုအပါအဝင် လူမျိုးစုအသီးသီးရှိ အမျိုးသမီး၊လူငယ်နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်များ၏ အခန်းကဏ္ဍ၊ အရေးတော်ပုံကာလနှင့် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းရေးကာလအတွင်း အမျိုးသမီး၊လူငယ်နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်များအပေါ် စစ်ကောင်စီ၏လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများအား အရေးယူနိုင်ရန်နှင့် ယင်းသို့ချိုးဖောက်မှုများဆက်လက်မဖြစ်ပေါ်စေရန်၊ ပြည်တွင်းစစ်ကြောင့် ရွှေ့ပြောင်းနေထိုင်ရသော အမျိုးသမီး၊ လူငယ်နှင့်ကလေးသူငယ်များအား ကူညီပံ့ပိုးရန်၊ နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးတွင် ရွပ်ရွပ်ချွံချွံတိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေကြသောလူငယ်ထု၏ လိုအပ်ချက်များ၊ စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အာဏာသိမ်းမှုနှင့်ပြည်တွင်းစစ်အကျိုးဆက်ကြောင့် ထိခိုက်နစ်နာခဲ့ရသော အမျိုးသမီးများ၊ လူငယ်များနှင့်ကလေးသူငယ်များအား ပညာရေး၊ကျန်းမာရေးမှစ၍ စိတ်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာပံ့ပိုးမှုအပါအဝင် ပြန်လည်ထူထောင်ရေးလုပ်ငန်းများလုပ်ဆောင်ပေးနိုင်ရန်တို့ကို အဓိကဆွေးနွေးခဲ့ကြပါသည်။ အဆိုပါ ဆွေးနွေးချက်များကို အမြန်ဆုံးစတင်အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ရန် တစ်လမှ ခြောက်လအတွင်း လုပ်ငန်းစဥ်ချမှတ်၍ ကြိုးပမ်းဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အမျိုးသမီး၊လူငယ်နှင့် ကလေးသူငယ်ရေးရာဌာနအနေဖြင့် ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံသို့ တက်လှမ်းရာတွင် အရေးပါသော ပြည်သူလူထုအသီးသီး၏ အသံကို အစဥ်တစိုက်နားစွင့်နေပြီး လိုအပ်ချက်များကို ဖြည့်ဆည်းပေးနိုင်ရန် အစွမ်းကုန်ကြိုးစားသွားမည် ဖြစ်ကြောင်း အသိပေးအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2021-04-18
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Myanmar logged a total of 111 human trafficking cases in its states and regions last year, state-run media reported Tuesday, quoting the Anti-Trafficking Police Force's figures as saying. During the whole 2020, 167 people including 39 young girls were victimized while 339 traffickers were charged in connection with the cases. Regionally, Shan state registered with 37 cases, followed by Yangon region with 30 cases as well as Mandalay region and Kachin state with 10 cases each, among others. There were 22 domestic trafficking in persons in terms of forced labor, prostitution and forced marriage during the period. In 2019, 358 people including 297 females were victimized in connection with 239 human trafficking cases across the country. Under the Anti-Trafficking in Persons Law, people who smuggle women and children are sentenced to at least 10 years or up to lifetime sentence or fine while money or property received through trafficking will be confiscated by the government..."
Source/publisher: "Xinhua" (China)
2021-01-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-01-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Three rapists were jailed for 20 years with hard labour in a case that pitted a 36-year-old mother of four against the powerful military.
Description: "Lodging a legal complaint pitted the 36-year-old mother of four against Myanmar’s most powerful institution, whose soldiers have long been accused by rights groups of using rape as a weapon of war in the country’s conflict zones. The crime was committed in June in northern Rakhine state – the site of a nearly two-year battle between the military and the Arakan Army, which is fighting for more autonomy for the ethnic Rakhine population. “Many women like me have already endured the same thing,” Thein Nu – who has been given a pseudonym to protect her identity – told the AFP news agency. “If I didn’t reveal this, it could lead to many more in Rakhine [being abused].” Her victory came after an initial denial from the military, which said she made up the allegations, and she still faces the glare of widespread social stigma, including from her husband who refuses to speak to her. Watershed moment? “I am both happy and sad,” she said, still in disbelief that the military tribunal ruled in her favour. “I don’t entirely believe this verdict will stop the rape and abuse against women in conflict areas because they (the military) are unreliable people with two faces.” In a rare acknowledgement of wrongdoing, the military on Saturday announced the verdict and sentence against the three rapists, trumpeting its own “transparent” investigation of the case. But observers warned it is too soon to judge whether Thein Nu’s victory will be a watershed moment for the armed forces – which ruled Myanmar outright until 2011 and still holds sway over many aspects of life in the country..."
Source/publisher: Agence France-Presse (AFP) (France) via "Al Jazeera" (Qatar)
2020-12-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-01-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Despite the signing of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement in 2015, Myanmar is still at war with itself as fighting in Kachin, Rakhine and Shan states shows no sign of ending. The loss of human life, as well as the material destruction and shattering of local communities caused by the 70-year-long conflict, continues to incur heavy social and economic costs in the country. While war affects all, it affects men and women differently. In any conflict setting, gender creates expectations and exposes individuals to different dangers and vulnerabilities. In Myanmar’s conflict areas, many boys and men have had first-hand experience of violence as soldiers and live with its physical and psychological consequences. In these regions as well, many girls and women face an acute danger of gender-based violence as their bodies are objectified for war purposes and human trafficking. The different impacts of war on women and men have to be taken seriously to move the peace process forward and to design policies that address the long-lasting consequences of war. In Myanmar as elsewhere, decentralization is considered as a democratization tool, a means to achieving better government accountability in the delivery of public services and a gateway to women’s participation. The conflict and its political and economic legacies not only perpetuate, but may also reinforce gender practices, inequalities, and discrimination. If gender needs and inequalities are not addressed, the very success of democracy, the peace process, and decentralization in Myanmar will remain unequal for men and women. In this piece, we bring together evidence from local communities to examine some of the impact of conflict on male and female populations. We collected evidence for this paper in 2018 and 2019 as part of an International Development Research Centre-funded project—a collaborative project between the University of Toronto and the Myanmar Institute for Peace and Security. The research team interviewed local stakeholders such as women’s organizations, ethnic armed organizations, politicians, and government officials. It also conducted a survey of 2,747 household heads in Chin, Kachin, Karen, and Magwe (hereafter referred as the UofT-IDRC survey). This paper is not an exhaustive list of the impacts of conflict on gender, but highlights some of the themes that emerged frequently during our work. Boys and Men: Fighting, Conscription, and Gender Expectations Civil wars have significant impacts on both men and women. But boys and men often have a particularly direct, first-hand experience of conflict and violence through their experience as soldiers. Many of them have volunteered to join Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAO) out of loyalty to their ethno-national group and because of feelings of injustice and grievances against the government and the Tatmadaw. But mixed with these motivations are also gendered expectations about the proper behavior for men. Many communities and families expect men to assume the role of “protectors” of the community. In time of crisis, this expectation is only strengthened, which factors heavily in the decision of boys and men to join EAOs. In many communities, there is no stigma in joining an EAO, but boys feel a sense of responsibility toward the community and see their involvement in military activities as a source of respect..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Teacircleoxford" (Myanmar)
2020-07-08
Date of entry/update: 2020-07-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: consider the specific vulnerabilities women face in Myanmar in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic.
Description: "Women are playing an indispensable role in the global response against the coronavirus pandemic. Acting as healthcare workers, scientists, researchers, social mobilizers, political leaders and caregivers, women are at the forefront of this fight. However, while everyone is affected by COVID-19, this pandemic amplifies pre-existing gender inequalities and makes women particularly vulnerable, a reality that policy-makers have yet to take into account. In Myanmar, women face various obstacles as internally displaced peoples, garment workers, unpaid labourers, and victims of overarching conflict. Not only has COVID-19 affected these populations’ capacities to support themselves, the impact in these sectors serve to elucidate existing gender inequalities women face in Myanmar. This article was written as part of an International Development Research Centre (IDRC)-funded project–a collaboration between the University of Toronto and the Myanmar Institute for Peace and Security–on gender and decentralization in Myanmar. Drawing on some of the data collected in Myanmar from 2018 to 2019, this text will reflect on women’s vulnerabilities and resilience in the face of a global pandemic. COVID-19 in Myanmar Myanmar’s healthcare system has improved drastically since transitioning to semi-civilian rule in 2011, but remains underfunded and understaffed. The COVID-19 crisis is thus taking place amidst an already overstretched healthcare system that faces important challenges, such as gaps in access between rural and urban communities; the lowest number of intensive care beds per capita among lower and lower-middle-income countries of the region (except Bangladesh)[1]; and fewer than 200 ventilators. So far, the government of Myanmar’s response has been haphazard, at best. The country, most likely, has a higher number of COVID-19 cases than it purports. However, the actual number is difficult to assess given limited testing capacity and heavily regulated media. The government spokesperson Zaw Htay first responded to the pandemic by stating that “lifestyle and diet measures” protected Myanmar citizens from the coronavirus infection, reporting its first case only at the end of March. Although the government has distanced itself from these initial remarks, its response continues to be inadequate..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Teacircleoxford" (Myanmar)
2020-06-15
Date of entry/update: 2020-06-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "...Myanmar, once mysterious to the world after its decades’ long isolation, is marked by diversity and multiple ethnicities, languages and religions. It has been affected by decades of an authoritarian regime and different interconnected layers of conflict, ranging from national-level ethnic political conflicts and the pro-democracy struggle to broader social-level land conflicts and conflicts at the household level, such as domestic violence. In Myanmar, as in other countries, conflict and violence affect men, women, boys, girls and those with diverse gender identities differently. There is increasing awareness that gender is important in understanding conflict and accumulating evidence that links inclusion to the sustainability of peace. A growing number of programmes are dedicated to addressing this. However, the ‘other side of gender’, that is, the experiences of men and boys, is less well understood. Expectations of masculinity are an often overlooked (or over-simplified) driver of conflict and peacebuilding, but can also, if sometimes counter-intuitively, lead to increased vulnerability for men and boys, especially related to violence..."
Creator/author:
2018-11-00
Date of entry/update: 2020-05-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : PDF
Size: 1.38 MB
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Description: "...Myanmar, once mysterious to the world after its decades’ long isolation, is marked by diversity and multiple ethnicities, languages and religions. It has been affected by decades of an authoritarian regime and different interconnected layers of conflict, ranging from national-level ethnic political conflicts and the pro-democracy struggle to broader social-level land conflicts and conflicts at the household level, such as domestic violence. In Myanmar, as in other countries, conflict and violence affect men, women, boys, girls and those with diverse gender identities differently. There is increasing awareness that gender is important in understanding conflict and accumulating evidence that links inclusion to the sustainability of peace. A growing number of programmes are dedicated to addressing this. However, the ‘other side of gender’, that is, the experiences of men and boys, is less well understood. Expectations of masculinity are an often overlooked (or over-simplified) driver of conflict and peacebuilding, but can also, if sometimes counter-intuitively, lead to increased vulnerability for men and boys, especially related to violence..."
Source/publisher: International Alert
2018-11-00
Date of entry/update: 2020-05-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : PDF
Size: 2.56 MB
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Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN)
00-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2020-03-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : PDF
Size: 4.18 MB
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Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN)
00-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2020-03-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : PDF
Size: 173.26 KB
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Description: "... This booklet is about menopause in Shan. Book contents include what is Menstruation, Menopause, Symptoms and health problems, health care, Nutrition, Excercise, Mential Health, Hormone Replacement therapy, how to solve urinary tract infection..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN)
2002-08-00
Date of entry/update: 2020-03-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : PDF
Size: 1.17 MB
Local URL:
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Source/publisher: Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN)
00-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2020-03-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : PDF
Size: 100.24 KB
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Description: "...This leaflet is for awareness about violence against women, what is violence? Defining violence, Typology of violence, Measuring violence and its impact..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN)
00-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2020-03-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : PDF
Size: 83.84 KB
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Description: "...The white ribbon is an awareness ribbon sometimes used by political movements to signify or spread their beliefs. It is usually worn on garments or represented in information sources such as posters, leaflets, etc..."
Source/publisher: Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN)
00-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2020-03-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : PDF
Size: 87.95 KB
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Description: "...Book contents: 18th anniversary of women's get together, facilitator biography, activity report from different area, women and well-being, social security in Thailand, women's reproductive health, women movement in Myanmar, Compensation fund for worker in Thailand, ..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: MAP Foundation
2019-03-00
Date of entry/update: 2020-03-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : PDF
Size: 3.83 MB
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Description: "Officially, rape hardly happens in Myanmar and domestic abuse is non-existent. The reality? Violence against women is so pervasive it is regarded as normal -- and as a result -- woefully underreported, says lawyer and activist Hla Hla Yee. "Domestic abuse in Myanmar is regarded as a family matter and even if it is reported, the police fail to take action," she explains, adding that many still view it as a normal part of marriage that women must endure. The UN has warned violence against women and girls is a "silent emergency" in the country, with incidents spanning groping on public transport to trafficking, and has called for a zero-tolerance approach in communities, police, and the justice system. Analysis by the Demographic and Health Survey suggested at least one-fifth of women were abused by a partner in 2016. According to government statistics, there were 1,405 rape cases in 2017, up from 1,110 the year before -- around two thirds committed against children..."
Source/publisher: Agence France-Presse (AFP) (France) via "Bangkok Post" (Thailand)
2020-03-02
Date of entry/update: 2020-03-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Topic: film, sexism, gender, sexual abuse, cinema
Sub-title: A recently released Myanmar horror film is crassly misogynist in its portrayal of sexual violence, but is part of a much broader trend in an industry dominated by male filmmakers.
Topic: film, sexism, gender, sexual abuse, cinema
Description: "WHAT IF Mya Mya, the lead character of the Myanmar horror film of the same name, released on February 6, were to enact revenge on the men who gang-raped her, not by menacing them as a forlorn ghost, but by seeking justice as a tenacious survivor? For the moment, such a plot turn appears to be beyond the imagination of Myanmar filmmakers, who are virtually all male and prefer to portray women rape victims as either killed in the act or driven inexorably to suicide by the shame. Their death, after all, provides a handy motive for male lead characters to avenge them in thrilling feats of heroism. One thing that saves the character of Mya Mya – a feisty Yangon factory worker and strike-organiser before her death – from further humiliation is that, while haunting the men who raped and murdered her, she does not do so half-naked, despite what the film’s titillating promotional poster might suggest. However, this is small consolation when the making of the film itself was a feat of sexual exploitation. When the casting call for the three “rapist” roles was made last July on Facebook, many male users tagged their friends, saying with boorish humour that their friends would make good “rapists” and encouraging them to apply. Auditions for short-listed aspirants took place on September 8 in Yangon’s Kandawgyi Park in full view of the media and public..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
2020-02-29
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Description: "...Book contents: how to use ARM, ten steps of automatic response mechanism, step 1 victim talks to first contact, step 2 first contact accompanies victim to Women's Organization (WO) or NGO, step 3 support person accompanies victim to health centre or hospital, step 4 NGO/WO provides support to victim, step 5 report to sympathetic bodies, step 6 report to police, step 7 follow up with police, step 8 awaiting the court case, step 9 at the court, step 10 court issues judgment, Criminal Code, as amended B.E. 2550 (2007), Title IX, offences relating to sexuality, section 276-277, domestic violence victim projection Act, B.E. 2550 (2007)..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: MAP Foundation
2008-12-00
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : PDF
Size: 3.21 MB
Local URL:
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Description: "...MAP Multi-Media supports all projects at MAP to produce communication materials in migrant languages to disseminate information to migrant communities on issues of policies, laws, rights, and health. The media formats used include MAP’s two community radio stations at Chiang Mai and Mae Sot, printed materials, audio and video, websites and social media. Book contents: 7th women's get together, about 7th Weget activities, rights for mother and women's migrant, domestic violence, Promoting Occupational Safety and Health (POSH), human trafficking, migration in Maekong region, International Women's Day..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: MAP Foundation
2009-04-00
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : PDF
Size: 2.05 MB
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Description: "...Book contents: 8th anniversary of women's get together, about women's get together, education policy for migrant and refugee in Thailand, global economic impact to Myanmar migrant worker, economic zone, migration situation along Maekong sub-region, CEDAW, human trafficking, media...."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: MAP Foundation
2010-03-00
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : PDF
Size: 3.11 MB
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Description: "...MAP Foundation conducted research with migrant women in Thailand about a living wage. The migrant women we reached explained that they were underpaid and that the frequent changes to migration policy made it difficult to stay documented. The cycle of rapidly-changing documentation requirements ate into the little pay they did earn and kept them insecure. Under these circumstances, a living wage was almost unimaginable - earning a proper minimum wage and stable documentation were more urgent issues. During the course of the research in June 2017, as if to prove the point, the Thai government issued a new Royal Decree on Foreign Workers Management B.E. 2560 (2017). Consequently, a new registration was put in place, forcing migrants women more into debt and disrupting their lives again..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: MAP Foundation
2018-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2020-01-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : PDF
Size: 3.72 MB
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Sub-title: The Arakan Army (AA) has launched an investigation over the alleged rape of a Chin woman by one of its fighters in Paletwa Township in Chin State, a spokesperson for the ethnic armed group said on Sunday.
Description: "Khaing Thu Kha, spokesperson of AA, said the probe against the alleged sexual abuse is being carried out but did not provide additional details. “We are investigating the case. We will take harsh actions if our members really abused villagers and women like what they claimed,” he said. “We will go to the village and meet with the community leaders to find out whether what they said is correct or not,” he said, adding a statement will be issued as soon as the investigation is completed. Aside from the alleged rape of a Chin woman, the Arakan Army fighters were also accused of abducting a school headmaster and two village officials in Paletwa who tried to stop them from abducting a young Chin woman on Tuesday. The three captives were later found dead in the forest in the forest between Inn Kho Wa village and Sein Sin village, according to the Khumi Affairs Coordination Council, a local civil society group, in a statement issued Saturday. Khaing Thu Kha expressed doubt about the truthfulness of the statement, saying the Tatmadaw appears to be creating racial problem between Rakhine and Chin ethnic people. Colonel Win Zaw Oo, head of Western Command, said the actions of the Arakan Army in Paletwa is not acceptable and will be dealt with without delay. “They are brash. We are carrying out clearance operation. Now we’ve heard that AA has blocked Kyee Lay village and we will deal with this matter,” he told The Myanmar Times. According to local civil society groups in Chin, the AA is still holding captive Amyotha Hluttaw (Upper House) legislator U Hwei Tin and 15 other Chin ethnic people..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Times" (Myanmar)
2020-01-12
Date of entry/update: 2020-01-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "For decades, ethnic women in Myanmar have documented acts of sexual violence committed against them in the hopes that, one day, perpetrators will be held accountable for their crimes. They had reasons for hope as recently as five years ago, when the government of Myanmar endorsed the international Declaration of Commitment to End Sexual Violence in Conflict and Aung Sung Suu Kyi was elected the first woman leader of the country in a historic victory. Today, violent conflict between military and ethnic groups remains as intense as ever, while wartime sexual and gender-based violence continues unabated and unpunished. The direct and later indirect rule by the military since 1962 has had a long-term effect on the lives of women in Myanmar. They expected their fundamental rights to be restored under the new quasi-civilian arm of government, led by Suu Kyi. Instead, the web of military presence and business interests in ethnic areas of the country continue to devastate ethnic women. In August, the United Nations Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar released a report documenting cases of gang rape, sexual slavery, and other forms of sexual abuse in heavily-militarized areas in several states: Shan, Kachin, and Rakhine. Investigators found that sexual violence has become a regular tactic used against civilians by the Tatmadaw, the official name of the country’s armed forces..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Women's Media Center" (USA)
2019-11-20
Date of entry/update: 2019-11-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Over generations, China’s one-child policy drove a demographic disaster that has sparked a devastatingly cruel trade.
Description: "China has a bride trafficking problem. The country’s longstanding one-child policy and preference for boys created a huge gender imbalance. The difficulty many Chinese men now face finding wives, combined with a lack of protections in China, is driving a brutal business of selling women and girls from neighboring countries. The Chinese government’s main response for many years seemed to be simply to ignore growing allegations about authorities’ complicity in these crimes. But the problem is becoming too big to ignore; the government’s stonewalling is gradually being replaced by a mixture of criminal justice and propaganda responses, neither of which get to the real issue of gender discrimination. The one-child policy, in force from 1979 to 2015, prompted many parents to feel that if they were permitted only one child, that child should be a son. This was driven in part by the expectation, particularly in rural areas, that daughters marry and join their husband’s family, while sons stay with, and support, their parents. Over generations this policy drove a demographic disaster: China now has 30 to 40 million more men than women..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Diplomat" (Japan)
2019-10-30
Date of entry/update: 2019-11-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "When it comes to protecting women from violence in Myanmar, what little difference a year makes. Last year during the annual 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence, the Government pledged to submit a Prevention of and Protection from Violence Against Women (PoVAW) Law to Parliament in early 2019 and give “priority and focus” to protecting women and children from violence. As we approach another 16 Days of Activism, the PoVAW law, in the drafting stage since 2013, has not yet been submitted to Parliament, making clear that protecting women from violence is far from a priority or focus for the current Government. In a country with escalating rates of sexual violence, continued inaction puts women’s lives in jeopardy, and is a sad reminder that the gender inequality that leads to violence against women is also inhibiting the passage of a PoVAW Law which would protect them. Statistics across Myanmar show an upward trend in reports of sexual violence, and one root cause of sexual violence is gender inequality. In August, a UN investigatory body declared that in Myanmar “[s]exual violence is an outcome of a larger problem of gender inequality and the lack of rule of law.” Myanmar is ranked 150 of 167 countries on the Georgetown Institute of Women Peace and Security’s Women Peace and Security Index and 148 of 189 on the 2018 UN Gender Inequality Index, two recent measures of women’s well-being worldwide..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Mizzima" (Myanmar)
2019-11-18
Date of entry/update: 2019-11-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Myanmar plunged 31 places and remained the worst performer in the region on an index that measures women’s wellbeing and empowerment in homes, communities, and societies, according to a study released today.
Description: "The Women, Peace and Security Index by the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Safety slashed Myanmar’s rank from 119th in 2017 to 150th this year, marking the largest drop ever in the index. The index ranks 167 countries in terms of inclusion, security and justice for women. It drew data from international organisations such as the International Labour Organisation, the United Nations, the World Bank, and others to provide comprehensive insights into women’s well-being and empowerment in each country. “[Myanmar’s] rank of 150th reflects, among other things, the worst rate of organised violence in the region,” according to the index, which cited the “systemic, ongoing oppression and gross human rights violations” against minority Muslims in northern Rakhine State. A woman activist in Myanmar, Ma Thinzar Shunlei Yi, said, “I wasn’t surprised the rank dropped while we are in the middle of armed conflicts.” “The ranking highlights the situation that we all still have to be aware and strive to overcome an imbalanced society,” she added..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Times" (Myanmar)
2019-10-22
Date of entry/update: 2019-11-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "“Traffickers target youths who have bad reputations or low moral character more than youths who don’t understand.” This is what Myanmar’s Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement Director General U Win Naing Tun was quoted as saying recently when talking about human trafficking. Most human trafficking in Myanmar involves the selling of women as brides to China. Naing Tun’s words seem, at least at first glance, to have a tinge of victim-blaming in them. Especially as he went on to explain that unlike youth of “low moral character”, other youths could testify against their human traffickers in court, “so they avoid them”. While it would be unfair to accuse Naing Tun of victim-blaming with such limited information available on the statements he made, it is also true that victim-blaming has been a rampant practice in Myanmar. Even people of authority have been reported as practicing victim-blaming, especially concerning rape. Back in 2017, in an interview with local news, Lunn Aung San, the head of police in Ah Pyauk, Taukkyi township, said that most cases of sexual assault or abuse arise due to the woman victim’s choices..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The ASEAN Post" (Malaysia)
2019-07-15
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Topic: Women's Political Participation
Topic: Women's Political Participation
Description: "As Myanmar’s historic reform process continues to evolve, more women are needed in leadership roles of all kinds, including in parliaments. Despite their low numbers, the positive contributions of women MPs in both national and subnational parliaments have already earned the recognition of their constituents. With general elections approaching in 2020, it is time to ask if Myanmar’s political parties will nominate more women, and if so, will they be elected. Though candidate selection very much depends on decisions by party leaders, the good news is that female candidates will not have to make this journey alone. Myanmar now has a small corps of veteran female MPs who can give constructive guidance to women running for office. In early September 2019, The Asia Foundation and a local partner organization, Phan Tee Eain, convened the fourth nationwide Women MPs Forum in Nay Pyi Taw, with 58 women parliamentarians. These included nine MPs from the two houses of the national parliament, the Amyotha Hluttaw and Pyithu Hluttaw, and 49 MPs from parliaments in Kachin and Shan States and the regions of Yangon, Mandalay, Magwe, Sagaing, and Ayeyarwady. The forum was an opportunity to consider strategies to support female candidates in 2020. One key strategy that emerged from the discussions was to share their own experiences as woman MPs, so that female candidates will know what to expect and how to exploit their own unique strengths to win public office..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Asia Foundation" (USA)
2019-10-23
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "A landmine explosion on a tea farm killed a woman and injured her husband this week in Kyaukme Township. The couple—Nang Nguen and Sai Thein—accidentally set off the concealed landmine while picking tea in Mont Mart village of Khim Kawng village tract in Mong Ngor sub-township at around 3:00 p.m. on October 9. “They live in a hilltop village. They stepped on a landmine while they were picking tea leaves,” Mong Ngor local Lon Sai told SHAN. Lon Sai said that Nang Nguen endured serious injuries to her legs and died on the way to the hospital. Sai Thein’s hand was wounded in the blast. The mine explosions are becoming an increasingly common danger, he added. “Whenever people go to the tea leaf farms, they can step on landmines. I don’t know what we will do if we cannot work to pick tea in this area. There are many landmines,” Lon Sai explained. Multiple armed groups are active in Kyaukme Township, including the Burma Army, the Restoration Council of Shan State and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army. Clashes are frequent..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Shan Herald Agency for News" (Myanmar)
2019-10-12
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Women's magazine which produced by Women Association of Shan State (WASS). Contents of magazine was focused on women's education, environmental issues and some politic issue that women need to be ware.... "
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Kham Koo Website
00-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : PDF
Size: 18.79 MB
Local URL:
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Description: "More than 2,000 people have been displaced from their homes in Myanmar's northern Shan state, as the Ta’ang National Liberation Army, an ethnic Palaung armed group and the Myanmar army staged tit-for-tat attacks. That's despite unilateral ceasefire announcements by both sides in the past two months. And civilians caught in the middle of that fighting are bearing the brunt..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Al Jazeera" (Qatar)
2019-10-10
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Topic: Khawng Nu’s story
Topic: Khawng Nu’s story
Description: "This story was originally published on Medium.com/@UN_Women Across the world, millions of women and girls live in the long shadows of human trafficking. Whether ensnared by force, coercion, or deception, they live in limbo, in fear, in pain. Because human trafficking operates in darkness, it’s difficult to get exact numbers of victims. However, the vast majority of detected trafficking victims are women and girls, and three out of four are trafficked for the purpose of sexual exploitation. Wherever there is poverty, conflict and gender inequality, women’s and girls’ lives are at-risk for exploitation. Human trafficking is a heinous crime that shatters lives, families and dreams. On World Day against Trafficking in Persons, three women survivors tell us their stories. Their words are testament to their incredible resilience and point toward the urgency for action to prosecute perpetrators and support survivors along their journeys to restored dignity, health and hope. Karimova comes full circle. When she was 22 years old, Luiza Karimova left her home in Uzbekistan and travelled to Osh, Kyrgyzstan with the hopes of finding work. However, without a Kyrgyz ID or university degree, Karimova struggled to find employment. When a woman offered her a waitressing job in Bishkek, the capital city in the north of Kyrgyzstan, she welcomed the opportunity..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: UN Women via Reliefweb
2019-07-29
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Description: "SUNY Cortland hosted two women activists from Myanmar on Thursday, Sept. 5, for a day of conversations about the collision of faith, feminism and ethnicity in their country, which is struggling with longstanding inequality among various groups of people. Thet Su Htwe, M.D., a Muslim doctor who runs sexuality education programs that go against conservative cultural norms, and Kyaw Thein, a member of Myanmar’s oppressed Rohingya minority who faced discrimination in the male-dominated field of civil engineering, met with the campus community during several events throughout the day. Two of the events were open to the public, who were invited to attend free of charge. “Being Muslim and Female in Myanmar: Two Perspectives,” was presented by Htwe and Thein as a sandwich seminar from noon to 1 p.m. in Brockway Hall Jacobus Lounge. “Education in Myanmar and the Challenges of Diversity” featured Htwe and Thein in a panel discussion from 4:30 to 6 p.m. in Sperry Center, Room 104. Moderated by Jeremy Jimenez, a Cortland assistant professor of foundations and social advocacy, the panel also included Thamora Fishel, associate director of Cornell University’s Southeast Asia Program; Rhoda Linton, a longtime advocate for women’s education and empowerment in Burma; and Cornell University doctoral students..."
Source/publisher: "SUNY Cortland"
2019-08-30
Date of entry/update: 2019-09-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "At a Myanmar studies workshop late last year, I eye through the papers we are to comment on and notice the absence of women from the bibliographies I read. When I question this, the response is first a bored kind of silence before one of the participants explains, patiently, that everyone writing extensively on these topics is already included. When I object, and offer to share names of women writing on this topic, someone else, probably thinking that he is supportive, smiles and says, sure, for the sake of political correctness. Send the list on. I try to make an argument for the importance of including other perspectives, try to emphasise that which gets lost when we take knowledge for granted and assume one type of knowledge is necessarily the same as—or an acceptable stand-in for—another. I see someone yawn. When the papers come out I notice – again – the absence of women from the bibliographies. The references I sent on were never used. Why does this matter? Why is this, the absence of certain voices, so troubling? Let me tell you a secret. It is NOT about political correctness. If anything, it is scholarly laziness, which I am as guilty of as anyone else. I am aware of how easy it is to use reliable, and therefore repetitive, citation practices, rather than making the effort to look for new studies on the topic I am interested in. Researching new work – whether actually new or just new to me – takes time. I easily fall back on old patterns, well-threaded research paths..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "TEACIRCLEOXFORD"
2019-09-09
Date of entry/update: 2019-09-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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