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NEWS FORM INDIA



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         CHINA'S CHALLENGE: INDIA SHOULD NOT IGNORE IT
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M D Nalapat cautions against the romanticism that led to the
disaster of' 62

India  was among the  first countries to  recognize the Mao
Zedong  regime in Beijing,   and demand that  it occupy the
Chin a seat at the UN Security Council.  There was not even
a  ritual expression of  concern on our  part when units of
the  Peoples  Liberation Army  moved  into Tibet  and began
Han-culturising   the   province.   And   Nehru   became  a
cheerleader  for Communist  China,  in  the process further
alienating the West.

Jawaharlal   Nehru  hypothesized  that  China  would  never
attack  India.  That Beijing  would accept Nehru's choleric
utterances  about "Throwing out the  Chinese" for what they
were:   rhetoric.  However,   the new  heirs of  the Middle
Kingdom  wanted to show India its place,  and this they did
by the 1962 attack.  The toy generals to whom a sentimental
Nehru  had given charge  of the front  collapsed,  and very
soon  London  and  Washington  were  on  New  Delhi's back,
demanding the ceding of Kashmir to their client,  Pakistan.
A tune that has not changed in these two capitals over four
decades.

These  days  there is  once again  a new  romanticism about
China. The problem in this is that, as during the 1950s, it
confuses  the Chinese  government with  the Chinese people.
While the latter are one of the great nations of the world,
with  a civilization virtually  unmatched in human history,
the  former is a group of political bureaucrats whose chief
goal  is their perpetuation on office.  This they expect to
achieve in two ways.

The  first  is to  give freedom  to  the Chinese  people to
better  their lives economically.  While Christopher Patten
may  daydream about a swelling  "democracy movement" ,  the
fact  is that the  emerging classes in  China are likely to
focus   on  economic  betterment   (rather  than  political
freedoms)  for perhaps another two decades.  So long as the
Chinese  Communist Party gives the  people it rules freedom
to  trade and produce wealth,   they are unlikely for quite
some time to oblige the Pattens.

The  second prong of the Chinese Communist Party's strategy
is to cover itself with a nationalist sheen.  The so-called
"Nationalists"  led by Chiang Kai-shek disgraced themselves
by their subservience to outside powers,  thus enabling the
Communists  to grab the nationalist  mantle even during the
1930s.   With China's emergence as  a superpower during the
next  decade,  this  protective  armour  will  become  even
stronger.  The carefully orchestrated Hong Kong festivities
were  designed to burnish  the Beijing regime's credentials
as  the  protectors  of  China's  Middle  Kingdom"  status.

While  the objective of the  "nationalist" chant may simply
be  to preserve  popular backing for  the Communist regime,
one  secondary fallout may  be the level  of vehemence with
which  Beijing defends  its perceived  interests in Siberia
and South-east Asia.  For at least a decade,  the regime is
likely  to  focus primarily  on  growth.  However,   as the
Chinese  people  get  more prosperous,   the  propensity to
demand  political freedoms will rise.  This will have to be
met  with  grater dosage  of "mercantile  nationalism",  in
which   Beijing  follows  Washington's   example  of  using
superpower clout to generate advantages for its
manufacturers. The Beijing regime will have to
demonstratively  show  its efficacy  in  protecting Chinese
interests   in   order  to   retain   public  acquiescence.

In  the coming  decade China  may enter  into friction with
India  over Myanmara. In particular, there may be an effort
to get leased a Chinese naval base on Myanmar territory,  a
development against India's security interests. In the next
decade,   as China  overtakes the US  economically,  it may
attempt  to  get  trade advantages  within  ASEAN,   to the
disadvantage  of  enterprises from  other  countries.  This
again will not be in New Delhi's interests: what we need is
an ASEAN free of any hegemonistic influence.

CHINA  HAS  CRAFTED  A  MAJOR SECURITY  RISK  FOR  INDIA BY
GIFTING PAKISTAN ITS M-9 MISSILES,  NOW RENAMED THE HATF-3.
THE  LACK OF ANY SUBSTANTIVE  US ACTION AGAINST THIS BREACH
OF  THE MTCR  INDICATES THAT  THE MISSILE  SUPPLIES WERE IN
FURTHERANCE  OF  A COMMON  CHINA-US STRATEGY  TO 'EQUALIZE'
PAKISTAN'S STRIKEPOWER WITH INDIA'S.

However,   not just in  the next two  decades but right now
China  has  crafted  a  major security  risk  for  India by
gifting Pakistan its M-9 missiles,  now renamed the Hatf-3.
The  lack of any substantive  US action against this breach
of the Missile Technology Control Regime indicates that the
missile  supplies were in furtherance  of a common China-US
strategy   to  "equalize"  Pakistan's   strike  power  with
India's.   As the  Brown amendment  made clear,  Washington
will  continue to supply Islamabad with lethal technologies
even  while it tries through its Indian agents to choke off
funding for our own nuclear and rocket programmes.  Indeed,
along with a probe into Bofors, a future JPC should examine
how  a  small group  of-  officials have  tried  to scuttle
India's  rocket and nuclear programme,  on the grounds that
the nation can not "afford" it.

It  is not  only that  missiles and  their warheads  make a
reliable  deterrent against  aggression,  the  fact is that
should India make commercial use of the technologies it has
developed,  an adequate nuclear and rocket programme can be
financed  from such commercial inflows.  Hopefully Yogendra
Alagh will make good on his promise to open up at least the
nuclear power programme to the private sector.  Billions of
dollars  can be earned  of New Delhi  were to sell hardware
and  provide repair and fabrication facilities to the armed
forces  of  friendly  powers.   However,   at  present  key
installations   such  as  the   Mazagaon  Docks  are  being
deliberately under-utilized.

Washington  is downplaying  the Chinese  supply of  M-9s to
Pakistan.   However,  New Delhi can not this time afford to
face  this threat with its weapon of choice,  hot air.  The
Indian   missile   and  warhead   programmes  need   to  be
accelerated, even while New Delhi strives through diplomacy
for  a  word  that  is  weapons-free.  That  China  has  so
crucially  harmed India,  even while New Delhi ensures (for
example)  that no element within the Tibetan community here
is allowed to undergo arms training,  nor are arms supplies
allowed  through  Indian  soil,  is  a  repeat  of history.
Beijing   accepts  Delhi's  tribute  without  any  matching
gesture on its part.  Indeed,  apart from the ISI,  some of
the other Myanmar- Bangkok based sources of funding for the
North-east militants indicate the reverse.  Sadly,  just as
the Indian Foreign Secretary did not deem
Pakistan-sponsored  terrorism  in  India  to  be  worthy of
mention  at  the recent  Islamabad  parleys,  New  Delhi is
unlikely  to  ruffle  China's  conscience  by  launching an
international   crusade  against  the  latest  hostile  act
against India the so-called "Pakistani" M-9 missile.  It is
another matter that a future regime in Islamabad may direct
these missiles at China, the way the ISI is today active in
Xinjiang.

What  is needed is the development of a "security crescent"
from  Korea and Japan  in the north to  India in the south.
This  will  ensure that  the ASEAN  region remains  free of
hegemonistic  threats.  Neither Japan  nor ASEAN appears to
have   yet  realized  the  need   for  India  as  a  factor
safeguarding  their own well- being.  However,  seeing that
even New Delhi has not articulated such a concept,  neither
ASEAN   nor  Japan   can  be   blamed,>  After   all,   who
takes hot air seriously, except other gasbags?

                  The Time of India, Monday, July 14, 1997.
   News and Informations Bureau, All Burma Students League 

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