The BurmaNet News: March 9, 1999

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 "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: March 9, 1999
Issue #1223

HEADLINES:
==========
CRPP: NOTIFICATION #12 
SPDC: ON US DEPT. OF STATE REPORT ON HUMAN RIGHTS 
BURMANET: REGIME'S LOBBYISTS - OFF THE CASE 
FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW: MOVING COSTS 
FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW: NEW ROUTE 
THE NATION: BLUNT MESSAGE AWAITS VISITING BURMESE JUNTA 
BKK POST: BURMA DYKE ENCROACHES ON THAI SOIL 
ANNOUNCEMENT: MIN KO NAING MEMORIAL CEREMONY 
ANNOUNCEMENT: SWEDEN CONFERENCE ON BURMA 
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COMMITTEE REPRESENTING PEOPLE'S PARLIAMENT: NOTIFICATION #12 
24 February, 1999 

Committee representing members of People's Parliament elected in the 1990
multi-party general elections (Committee Representing People's Parliament)

Notification No 12(2/99)

1.	We have been informed about the vociferous outcry of no-confidence
against U Paw Khin, the representative of the people of Myingyan township
Constituency No: 1 of Mandalay Division, who we maintain remains as such by
law.

2.	U Paw Khin was elected by the people in free and fair multiparty general
elections conducted by the authorities in May 1990 and acknowledged as a
People's Parliament representative by the Multiparty General Elections
Commission. He received 42015 undisputed votes being 78.09%.

3.	For the reasons set out below, the shouts of "No confidence, No support"
have no legitimacy.

(a) The authorities are exercising powers that are not contained in the
Political Parties Registration Law (27-9-88) and the Pyithu Hluttaw
(People's Parliament) Election Law (30-3-98); laws decreed by them.

(b) Five or more persons gathering, going about in single file, making
speeches, shouting, instigating or causing any disturbances is prohibited
in paragraph 2 of Order 2/88 issued by the State Law and Order Restoration
Council (SLORC) now known as State Peace and Development Council (SPDC).
Therefore the assembling of people by some authorities in some localities
is a violation of the law.

(c) The authorities are biased and are using simple and innocent people as
a means to an end.

(d) Extreme abuse of power and control that is in their hands.

4.	The people who oppose the demonstrations being carried out against U Paw
Khin have written to the National League for Democracy. We publish some of
the complaints (in their own words).

(a) Attendance was compulsory for all persons over the age of 18 years.
Kyats 400 was the penalty for default.

(b) Signatures of all members of a household (over 18 years) was taken to
prove attendance. These signatures were used as signifying opposition and
no confidence.

(c) In some cases, without reading out the no confidence motion from the
platform (they said it could not be read) the no confidence motion was
declared.

(d)  At the meeting of the Myingyan District authorities held on 4 February
1999, the chairman said that those who refused to sign their resignations
would be shot dead.


5.	Notification No 1/88 dated 18/9/88 issued by SLORC now SPDC contains
"...... to carry out the following duties and responsibilities...... (a)
enforcement of law, peace and prosperity to the land........ "

This unequivocally proclaimed responsibility by the authorities is now
unashamedly being flouted by themselves.

6.	The purpose of electing representatives is to enable them to perform
tasks for and on behalf of the people through a parliament.

7.	The authorities have a duty according to law to convene a parliament
which they have deliberately neglected and failed to do.

8.	Whereupon the representatives themselves sought to convene parliament as
a result they have been illegally and without any justification arrested
and imprisoned.

9.	Though some representatives have a desire to explain the situation to
their constituents, they have been hampered by the illegal restraints
placed on them by the authorities.

10.	We emphatically urge the authorities to guide and teach the simple and
innocent people to act in accordance with the provisions of law rather than
forcing them to flout the law. Bad precedents should not be created. We
denounce all these wrong and corrupt practices.

Committee Representing People's Parliament

(Responsibility for this publication is taken by the National League for
Democracy.)
 
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STATE PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT COUNCIL: ON U.S. DEPT. OF STATE REPORT ON HUMAN
RIGHTS
5 March, 1999 from OKKAR66129@xxxxxxx 

Press Release 3/99. Embassy of Myanmar, Washington DC.

Following is the press release issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in
Yangon today with regard to the 1998 Report on the Humans Rights situation
in the World issued by the Department of State:

Recently, the United States issued the so-called 1998 Report on the Human
Rights Situation in the world.  It also includes references to the Union of
Myanmar. As in the previous reports, the 1998 Human Rights Report neglects
the positive developments taking place in the country and does not reflect
the true situation of Myanmar.  It ignores the fact that Myanmar is
enjoying unprecedented peace and stability and that the people are happily
engaged in the pursuit of better standard of living and decent quality of
life without fear and anxiety.  Indeed, the State Department of the United
States of America had once again focused on accusations based on unfounded
facts and information from unscrupulous sources.

It is generally recognized that any government, institutions or individual
seeking to  promote human rights should bear in mind the significance of
national and regional peculiarities as well as historical, cultural and
religious backgrounds together with the stage of economic development.
However, it seems that the United States has turned a blind eye to these
facts and is using the pretext of human rights and democracy to  interfere
in the internal affairs of other nations.

The United States speaks of human rights but ignores the right of other
sovereign and independent nations to lead their own lives and to shape
their own destinies without interference or pressure.  It appears to have
forgotten that according to the United Nations Charter and the norms of
international law, all countries, large or small, strong or weak, rich or
poor, have the right to choose their own political system, road to
development and social values.  The United States speaks of democracy but
tries to dictate how a country should be run or even who should run the
nation without paying heed to the actual situation in that country or its
challenges and potentials.


The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Union of Myanmar, therefore,
categorically rejects the one-sided assessment of the United States on the
human rights situations in Myanmar since it is based on unfounded facts and
is nothing more that a politically motivated document aimed at interfering
in the internal affairs of Myanmar.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Yangon

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BURMANET: REGIME'S LOBBYISTS - OFF THE CASE 
8 March, 1999 by BurmaNet Editor 

Both Washington-based lobbying groups hired by the State Peace and
Development Council are no longer on the regime's payroll.  

Earlier this week, Jefferson Waterman International, a Washington DC-based
lobbying firm, confirmed they are no longer working for "Myanmar Resource
Development, Ltd.," (MRD, Ltd.)  because of "non-payment."   Another
DC-area public relations firm, Bain and Associates, also confirmed by phone
that they are no longer working on Burma.

Myanmar Resource Development Ltd., the company that JWI claimed it worked
for, is a straw company used by the Office of Strategic Studies, to pass
money through to the lobbying groups.  In 1998, the company received a
$500,000 contract  to lobby Washington on U.S. sanctions and to improve the
regime's shattered image.   Although Jefferson Waterman filed documents
under oath with the US Department of Justice stating that they did not work
for a foreign government, The Washington Post reported that JWI's true
paymaster was Burma's military intelligence agency:

"Several U.S. officials said they believe it is either closely connected
with the military regime or an arm of its leadership, and internal State
Department cables have identified Jefferson Waterman as the 'U.S.-based
lobbying firm' for the junta itself. "   (Washington Post, 28 February,
1998, "Burma's Image Problem is a Money Maker for U.S. Lobbyists,"
available online at:
http://www.burmafund.org/Research_Library/washington_post.htm )

BurmaNet has learned that Jefferson Waterman's controller was Lt. Col. Hla
Min of the regime's Office of Strategic Studies, which is part of the
Directorate of Defence Services Intelligence.  The Washington Post reported
that Bain and Associates, the other DC lobbying firm, also reported to Hla
Min.

As the regime's most visible lobbyist, Jefferson Waterman 's most obvious
responsibility was to disseminate a palatable version of the regime's
propaganda to the international community via a publication called "The
Myanmar Monitor," and a web page located at www.mrdltd.com.  Access to that
page is now denied, with a message that the server cannot be located.
Responding to inquiries, a Jefferson Waterman spokesperson said the page
had been removed "for non-payment," indicating that the SPDC not only is
unable afford a contract renewal, but does not have the funds to fulfill
its previous obligations to the Public Relations company. 

JWI was the subject of consistent but unconfirmed reports that, besides its
public relations activities, it was engaged in more clandestine activities,
including monitoring Burmese exiles and activists in Thailand.  On
Jefferson Waterman's own website, the company boasts that it is able to
"obtain early, authoritative information on international policy
developments, decisions, and opportunities that can affect a country's or
company's future. This information -- discreetly acquired, expertly
analyzed, and reported on a timely basis -- lays the groundwork for
effective strategies ... or signals the need for immediate action"
(http://www.jwidc.com/intelligence.htm).  Many of JWI's staffers are
retired intelligence officers, including its Chief Executive Officer,
Charles Waterman. 


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FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW: MOVING COSTS 
11 March, 1999 

In the wake of the flooding of the Yang-tze river basin last year, large
numbers of Chinese have moved into Burma's north-eastern Shan state.
Homeless families are paying 5,000 renminbi ($600) each to Lin Mingxian, a
local warlord in the hills north of Kengtung, to be permanently resettled
inside Burma.

Lin, a former commander of the insurgent Communist Party of Burma, has had
a cease-fire agreement with the Rangoon government since 1989. The deal
gives him a degree of authority in the area under his control. The exact
number of Chinese migrants into Shan is not known, but local sources say
"thousands" have settled in the area since October.

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FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW: NEW ROUTE 
11 March, 1999 

Indian police have made their first seizure of methamphetamines coming
across the border from Burma. On February 8, a Burmese resident of Indian
origin was arrested near the border-crossing point of Moreh in Manipur state.

He was carrying 880 methamphetamine tablets marked "WY," a brand produced
at Ho Tao in the Wa Hills of northeastern Burma, but previously seen only
on the Thai market.

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THE NATION: BLUNT MESSAGE AWAITS VISITING BURMESE JUNTA 
8 March, 1999 by Yindee Lertcharoenchok 

Editorial

GEN THAN SHWE AND HIS 40 MEMBER DELEGATION BEGIN AN OFFICIAL 30 HOUR VISIT
TO THAILAND TODAY, THE FIRST SINCE THE REGIME ROSE TO POWER IN 1988.

THE NATION'S YINDEE LERTCHAROENCHOK WRITES ON THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE TRIP.

Junta leader Gen Than Shwe and his military regime are certainly aware of
how unpopular and unwelcome they are in and outside the country. This is
evidently reflected in a special security request for Thailand to provide
extraordinary protection and precautionary measures during the top
generals' symbolic visit here today as guest of the Thai government. 

In Burma, the military authority was humiliatingly voted out by the Burmese
people in the 1990 general election - a popular mandate [with] which it has
refused to comply. The people's growing resentment of the regime, in
particular over its foot-dragging introduction of genuine political and
economic change, has continuously been manifested in their quiet defiance
to follow government orders unless by threat or the use of force.

Across the Western world, Burmese generals and their families are
considered pariahs and slapped with an unwelcoming visa ban. And in half
the globe where they can visit, they are met with strong opposition and
protests from both the locals and the Burmese in exile. Although Than Shwe
and his 40-strong high-level delegation will see very little upsetting
scenes of protests while in Thailand, the nervousness will remain as they
can certainly breathe the air of discontent from half a million Burmese
living in exile here because of civil war, political persecution and
economic hardship at home, the largest Burmese community outside Burma.


By arranging to meet in northern Chiang Rai - a site hopefully far from
dissenting Burmese pro-democracy voices - the Thai host will, wittingly or
unwittingly, provide the Burmese military leaders with a good opportunity
to witness another serious problem Burma has inflicted on its neighbour -
the drastic surge of illicit drugs into Thailand. While Thailand has been
successful in its war against drugs, the rise in narcotic production in
Burma's northeastern Shan State and the trafficking of heroin and the
recently introduced methamphetamine into the Kingdom are causing serious
headaches here as authorities are finding themselves losing their
counter-narcotic fight unless the Burmese regime changes its lenient drug
policy.

Thai anti-narcotic officers are increasingly and genuinely worried about
the potential reversion to the situation of 1960s-80s when Thailand was
plagued with serious drug addiction and served as a trafficking route to
the world markets. Although Thailand has been very polite in its diplomacy
towards Burma and has tried to avoid any unnecessary confrontation with the
Burmese, the Thai government sees a need to convey a strong and clear
message to Rangoon that it must contain the drug situation back home. By
taking tough and genuine actions against drugs, the military junta would
assist not only itself and its neighbours, but also the world community at
large - a possible campaigning point to win over its strong critics in the
West.

>From the outset, the Thai  government has stated that drugs will overshadow
the meeting between Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai and his Burmese
counterpart, Than Shwe. Although some Thai government agencies wanted other
pressing bilateral agendas such as violent naval clashes, territorial
disputes and demarcation to be included in the talks, the Burmese side has
brushed them aside. They argued that those problems have their own fora of
discussions and settlement, and several bilateral committees are going to
hold their meetings soon.

Although Than Shwe's visit is of bilateral significance, some senior Thai
government officials said his trip here should not be taken only at face
value. As a member of Asean, Thailand is actually working on behalf of the
regional grouping and its Western allies and dialogue partners (the
European Union and the United States), noted one official. Asean's
relationship with the EU and the US have run into a series of diplomatic
difficulties and hiccups after Burma's controversial admission into the
grouping m July 1997, much to the disappointment of the Western world.

"We want to bridge the gap between Burma and the West. While we [Thailand]
have problems of our own with Burma, we cannot ignore other agendas which
can hurt our boarder regional [Asean] interests," said the official.

Although Chuan will primarily concentrate on drugs and its related issues
when he talks with Than Shwe and his top military lieutenants this morning,
he will use his well-known diplomatic skills  to persuade the Burmese
rulers that Burma cannot carry on with periphery changes and expect to be
rewarded with international recognition and applause.


Far from winning more friends, the junta, now known as State Peace and
Development Council, is encountering more and more critics after over a
decade in power. Even its friends in Asean have  been increasingly worried
about the burden Burma has posed in the grouping's external relations with
the West. Like his early meetings with Burmese leaders, Chuan, who has a
strong democratic leaning, will encourage the Burmese leaders to introduce
serious political reforms and reconciliation - a painful path which
Thailand has gone through but clearly the only direction that brought the
Kingdom to international standing and recognition.

Apart from the talks, Than Shwe and his team will visit Thai opium
eradication and crop-substitution projects in Chiang Rai. He will have an
audience with His Majesty the King this afternoon and will tomorrow morning
tour an agro-industrial farm in Saraburi province before flying home.

Although the Thai government has already cracked down on dissident Burmese
students, political activists and ethnic communities, and tried to confuse
human rights groups regarding Than Shwe's itinerary to prevent their
embarrassing anti-Rangoon protests, the Burmese delegation, despite the
best treatment and first-class security protection, will be served a
political message. And it will come directly from Chuan himself.

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THE BANGKOK POST: BURMA DYKE ENCROACHES ON THAI SOIL 
7 March, 1999 by Supamart Kasem

COMPLAINT LODGED FOR THE 6TH TIME THIS YEAR

Thai authorities have reiterated their accusation that Burma is building a
dyke that encroaches on the Moei River opposite Mae Sot district - the
sixth time the accusation has been made this year.

Fourth Infantry Regiment Task Force commander Col Chayuti Boonparn, who
chairs Thailand's Local Thai-Burmese Border Committee, yesterday led
officials and members of the media to observe construction of a concrete
dyke in the Moei River in Myawaddy opposite Ban Mae Dao, in Mae Sot.

Col Chayuti said Burmese authorities have filled a 500-metre stretch of the
river bank and the dyke has been built 10 metres deep into the river, north
of the Thai-Burmese Friendship Bridge.

He added that a number of Burmese boats have been used to take sand from
the river to fill a water channel on Burma's side between the dyke and the
river bank.

Since then, the Thai committee chairman has submitted an aide-memoire to
his Burmese counterpart Lt-Col Tin Ngwe six times to protest against the
move and request a halt in construction but there has been no response. He
said: "Burma had red poles posted in the Moei River to mark the site during
high tide. When the tide lowered they started construction. Hundreds of
thousand cubic metres of soil and sand have been used to fill the river so
far.

"Whenever Thailand has made a protest the Burmese authorities have claimed
Burmese villagers had the right to do this to prevent erosion of the river
bank."

He threatened to reveal the scandal to other countries worldwide and have a
newly-dug water channel in the Moei River on the Thai side, south of the
friendship bridge, filled in retaliation unless Burma stops the river
encroachment.


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ANNOUNCEMENT: MIN KO NAING MEMORIAL CEREMONY 
7 March, 1999 from absdf88@xxxxxxxxx 

Special Posting-- a request for memory of Min Ko Naing
 
March 23rd will mark as the tenth anniversary of Min Ko Naing's confinement
under Burmese military regime. Min Ko Naing is the most famous student
leader in 1988 August uprising. During the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, Min
Ko Naing opened the eyes of the Burmese people to the injustice and
suffering that was being unleashed upon them. 

He believes in non-violent struggle. He is totally committed for student
activism. He led the student movement in 1988. He did not even retreat to
the border but confront the junta inside Burma as a Chariman of the All
Burma Federation of Student Unions, the key student body of '88 uprising. 

He was arrested on March 23, 1989 and sentenced to 20 years. All student
political prisoners are brave. Moreover, not only is he brave but he is
dedicated to an unbow spirit to the regime. Unlike other political
prisoner, he was under solitary confinement. He has not even had a chance
to meet with other political prisoners. He was confined alone in a small
cell. The regime forces him to sign a bond under the provision that he
would cease the involvement in political struggle. Even though signing the
provision could guarantee his release, he refused to do so. Then he became
the regime's one of the most unwelcomed persons outside the prison walls.
Even though he was confined alone, he still maintains spirit of freedom
struggle. He is the model of the new generation activists inside Burma.
 
We, democratic activists in Washington D.C., are now planning to honor Min
Ko Naing for his spirit. We will hold a memorial ceremony at the
anniversary of his confinement. (We will announce the program of ceremony
in details later.) We would like to request to you to have a memorial
ceremony to honor this forgotten man. Please raise our hearts for his
commitment, struggle, courage and dedication. 

If you are interested about this message, please send a note to
absdf88@xxxxxxxxxx We are delighted to provide you with Min Ko Naing's
biography and other materials, including his photos. Let's praise and honor
for the courage of this student leader.

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ANNOUNCEMENT: SWEDEN CONFERENCE ON BURMA 
7 March, 1999 from info@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx 

Welcome to a conference on Burma

Thursday March 18th, 10.00 a.m. - 5.30 p.m.
Aula Magna, University of Stockholm

You are most welcome to a conference on the situation in Burma and the work
for human rights and democracy in the country. The situation in the country
is still terrible. A broad and strong international support is of greatest
importance. The aim of the conference is to get more people and
organizations involved in the work, as well as strengthen the co-operation
between those already working for human rights and democracy in Burma. Take
the opportunity to participate in this important meeting and please respond
by March 12th.


Agenda

-Analysis of the current situation and brief history
-Violation of human rights in Burma
-What can we do in Sweden? Opinion molding activities, economic sanctions,
campaigns, boy-cots etc
-How do organizations work with the Burma-question in USA and Denmark?
-How can we support the victims of oppression, e.g. through humanitarian
aid and democracy development co-operation projects?
-What is Sweden's official policy on Burma and how does Sweden work
internationally with the issue?
-Co-operation in Sweden

Speakers
Anna Lind, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Sweden
Anette Berentzen, the Danish Burma Committee, Denmark
Karim Ghezraoui, United Nations officer who assists Mr Rajsoomer Lallah,
Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Burma
Pippa Curven, the Burmese Relief Center, Thailand
Dr Thaung Htun, Representative of the Burmese exile cabinet
Dan Orzeck, the Burmese solidarity movement in USA.

Schedule
The day starts with lectures and continues with information and discussions
in smaller groups, where we concentrate on talking about how our work for
Burma will look in the future. The conference ends with a sum-up of the
days discussions and with a speech by the Swedish Foreign Minister.

Language
English mainly

Organizers
Swedish NGO-foundation for human rights (Frivilligorganisationernas Fond
f?r m?nskliga r?ttigheter), The Olof Palme International Center

Co-organizers
Amnesty International (Swedish section), Swedish NGO-centre for development
co-operation (Forum Syd), Swedish Development Forum (F?reningen f?r
utvecklingsfr?gor), Social Democratic Students of Sweden
(Socialdemokratiska studentf?rbundet), Swedish UNESCO-council

For more information, please contact:
Sandro Wennberg
Social Democratic Students of Sweden
E-mail: sandro.wennberg@xxxxxx
Telephone: + 46 (0) 8  714 48 41,
+ 46 (0) 708 77 85 07
Information on the Internet:

http://welcome.to/burmaconference

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